Oleh Agapitus Batbual
Wartawan Suara Perempuan Papua di Merauke
Hari itu, masih terpatri dalam ingatanku, Sabtu, 11 November 2006, usai mengikuti ulang tahun Union of Catholic Asian News (UCANews), sebuah media Hongkong, yang berlangsung di Wisma Klender, Jakarta Timur. Itulah hari pertama aku melanglang buana di kota Jakarta.
Rini dengan wajah ramah menyalamiku. Reni si cerdas, mengangguku dengan banyolan segar. Vitalis Bauk orangnya bertubuh subur. Aku senang karena bisa bertemu mereka di Wisma Klender. Beberapa saat kemudian, muncul Kondrat, si tubuh semampai tapi kurus. Orangnya pendiam tapi senang bergaul, senyumnya aduhai. Paul Kaluge si banyol yang sangat periang serta Paul Pati, yang biasanya mengirimkan pertanyaan atas beritaku. Komandan UCANews Indonesia, Karl Beru, sangat serius tapi tiba-tiba mengelak tawa kami.
Memang kelompok Indonesia Timur adalah kelompok pebanyol. Apalagi sang inspirator Pastor Robert Astarino, MM, suka mengajukan pertanyaan secara mendetail. Singkat, padat serta membutuhkan penjelasan. ”Sebagai wartawan UCANews, harus berpikir bahwa apa yang kita tulis harus dimengerti oleh orang luar negeri,” ujar Pastor Robert.
Aku berpikir betul juga, ya. Aku bertemu dengan Pastor Constan Falolon dari Amboina, Hary Klau dari Atambua dan Anggelina Pareria juga dari Atambua serta Hironimus Adil, rekan dari Bali. Rata-rata orang muda semua.
Tiap hari Reni, yang sudah mengetahui kelakuanku, Pastor Cons, Heri serta Hiron, bersemangat mengganggu kami semua. ”Itu temanmu dari Ambon, Atambua dan Bali,” ujarnya. ”Wah, saya kira sudah semakin putih, ternyata sama hitam,” ujarku kepada Reni. Pastor Cons, Heri dan Hiron seiring dengan tawa terbahak.
Di sebelah meja kami, berkumpul generasi tua, seperti Herman dari Manado, Windi Subanto dari Medan, Peter Tukan dari Jayapura, Anton dari Atambua dll. Aku sangat salut untuk kalian semuanya. Keakraban kita akan tinggal di dalam sanubariku. Maklum aku akui, kami yang masih muda harus menimba ilmu kepada kaum tua dalam menulis berita.
Bertempat di Kantor Pantau
Usai pelatihan di Wisma Klender, aku ditelepon Andreas Harsono, untuk mampir kantor Pantau. Aku langsung diantar ojek dengan harga carteran Rp 20.000. Cukup sulit mencari sebuah kantor yang bernama Pantau --sebuah media yang belakangan ini tidak terbit lagi, karena terbentur dengan masalah dana.
Menurut Andreas, yang pernah berkunjung ke Merauke, bayaran kepada wartawannya relatif cukup tinggi. Media ini independen. Mereka tak terikat dengan konglomerat atau politisi manapun. Kelakuan terhadap beberapa wartawan, yang biasanya menerima ”amplop,” agak bikin keder juga. Tapi kusuka sikap itu.
Aku melangka dengan agak takut, karena baru bertama kali memasuki lantai dasar Pantau. Beberapa wartawan terkenal di antaranya pernah terkait media ini. Sebut saja Agus Sopian si penggelak tawa; Eri Sutrisno, yang biasanya serius; Eriyanto, yang pernah kutemui di Merauke.
Gedung Pantau cukup tinggi dengan banyak ruangan. Aku disambut oleh Siti Nurrofiqoh. Jabatanya sebagai sekretaris Pantau. ”Ini Mas Agapitus Batbual ya,” ujarnya.
“Benar,” jawabku dengan senyum mengembang. Tiba-tiba kegamumanku bertambah, karena beberapa orang yang tidak kukenal, langsung masuk ke dalam ruangan rapat. ”Wah penyambutanku sedang ditunggu,” ujarku dalam hati.
”Mas mau minum apa?” ujar Siti.
”Jangan sampai merepotkan,” ujarku.
”Ah jangan begitu. Jalan jauh ya. Kalau begitu pantas Pantau menyambut Mas Agapitus. Saya buatkan teh tubruk ya,” tawar Siti.
”Boleh,” jawabku.
”Silakan menunggu Mas Andreas. Aku tinggal dulu. Ada beberapa tugas yang harus saya kerjakan,” katanya.
Aku disodori beberapa baju kaus dua warna. Yang pertama warna putih dengan warna hitam. Aku langsung memilih baju kaos warna hitam bertuliskan, ”Aku tak peduli kau tiduri gajah sekalipun, asal kau tidak meliput sirkusnya.” Di bawah tulisan itu ada tertera A.M. Rosenthal, The News York Times. Di bagian bawahnya lagi tertulis, “Soal pentingnya independensi wartawan.”
Aku sangat tertarik dengan tulisan tersebut. Maka kuputuskan membayar kaos itu. Beberapa block note langsung diserahkan oleh Siti kepadaku plus dua buah buku wartawan terbitan Jakarta. “Sembilan Elemen Jurnalisme” karangan Bill Kovach dan Tom Rosenstiel langsung kusambut dan serta merta aku membacanya.
Tiba-tiba Andreas Harsono menyapaku. ”Selamat datang di kantor Pantau, Agapitus,” ujarnya dengan sapaan hangat.
Setelah rapat selesai, dilanjutkan dengan makan bersama. Agus Sopian, dengan gayanya yang khas seorang tukang pukul, langsung terbaring di kursi yang memang disiapkan. Kesanku sangat biasa, seperti sifatku, tetapi ulasannya sangat intelektual. Sangat tertata alur pemikirannya. Aku tersenyum tanpa diketahui oleh semua orang yang makan.
Usai rapat, aku ditawari Harsono menginap di apartemenya. Dua orang yang paling aku kenal: Harsono dan Agus, dengan beberapa penulis Pantau mengantarku. ”Di depan kita terletak kantor DPR dan MPR. Di sebelahnya terletak markas besar Kompas dengan The Jakarta Post. ”Kalau mau berenang ada kolam renang. Di dalam ruangan itu ada fitness center. Agapitus silahkan mempergunakan sepuas hati,” ujar Harsono.
Si Kecil Yang Periang
Norman Harsono, lelaki kecil yang masih duduk di bangku sekolah dasar berbahasa Inggris, tiba-tiba masuk, membuka pintu kamarku. Aku langsung bangun karena kaget. Siapa gerangan yang memasuki kamar? Tanpa berbicara banyak, dia langsung berdiri. Sedangkan aku dalam posisi duduk tanpa berbicara alias diam seribu bahasa.
Aku langsung menyapa dia. Tetapi apa nyana, dia langsung mengambil papan luncur dan berputar-putar di atas papan luncur bak olahragawan profesional. Saat itu, langsung aku teringat, seorang anak kecil, sebaya dengan dia meminta-minta. Waktu itu, bersama teman-teman UCANews, dalam perjalanan ke kantor UCANews Indonesia, di Perumahan Buaran Regency Blok G No 10 Jl. Radin Inten II, Pondok Kelapa, Jakarta.
Terkesan Norman tak ambil pusing dengan keadaan dalam rumah. Dia berputar terus hampir jatuh. Kemudian tiba-tiba berbalik ke arahku dan terdengar ”brakkkkkkkkk.” Si ayah Norman, Andreas Harsono senyam-senyum saja, melihat gelagat anaknya.
Sedangkan Norman hanya terseyum melihat papan luncur berputar di tempat. ”Hi Norman, are you okay?” ujar ayahnya.
”I am fine,” ujar Norman, wajah ceriah. Terkesan tidak ada kesusahan di wajahnya. Itulah kesan yang pertama ketika bertemu dengan Norman, si anak yang pintar berbahasa Inggris lagi periang.
Aku tinggal di apartemen mereka. Harsono menawarkan sebuah tempat tidur untukku. Sekilas tidak ada apa-apa, tapi betapa kaget ketika aku masuk. Di dalamnya ada TV yang cukup besar, laptop seharga Rp 10 juta terpasang di disitu. Kabel-kabelnya disatukan di belakang laptop. Segala fasilitas, termasuk kolam renang, ruang fitness di ruang dasar gedung. Beberapa asesoris Papua dari Sentani, Timika serta Asmat digantungkan di situ. Ada buku-buku berbahasa Inggris, majalah-majalah lain, bermacam judul dan negara, ditambah dengan koran tergeletak di lantai. ”Inilah sebuah tempat yang menyenangkan. Pasti seluruh dunia terprogram di situ,” gumamku.
Dia ruang makan, aku terpekur memandang sebuah bingkai berwarna kuning dan hijau. Sekilas tergambar, seorang sudah tewas, sedangkan di hadapan orang yang sudah tewas itu berdiri dua perempuan memakai jilbab, sedang mengusap wajah orang yang tewas itu. Seorang anak digendongnya. ”Pemuda Aceh itu mati dicekik oleh tentara karena dituduh mata-mata Gerakan Aceh Merdeka. Dua perempuan itu adalah adik dan kakaknya,” ujar Harsono. TNI mencekik orang itu, dengan selembar kaos miliknya sendiri. Orang itu hanya memakai celana dalam. Harsono mengatakan foto itu pemberian Tarmizy Harva dari Reuters. Foto ini menang penghargaan World Press Photo.
”Wah kenapa begitu ya. Mereka tidak memiliki kemanusiaan lagi,” ujarku. Seminggu aku tinggal di sini.
Berpesta Ria
Kemudian, Rebeka Harsono, adik perempuan Andreas, mengajakku tinggal di rumahnya di Tangerang. Hari itu, Kamis 16 November 2006, Rebeka langsung mengajakku ke sana dengan mengendarai bus. Dengan ojek, kami menuju ke kampung Tegal Alur, sebuah perkampungan Cina.
Kamar lantai dua adalah tempat tidurku. Di samping kamarku terletak sebuah kamar juga. Ternyata milik Widi seorang mahasiswa Universitas Indonesia dan Ignasia mahasiswa asal Flores. Mereka senang bersalaman dengan aku.
Rebeka memimpin Lembaga Anti Diskriminasi di Indonesia (LADI). Esoknya aku tidak mau ke mana-mana. Tapi kami langsung diajak Rebeka mengadakan penelitian tentang bagaimana orang Cina, turut berpatisipasi untuk mengurusi akta kelahiran. Mumpung negara Indonesia sudah membuka pintu hatinya untuk memperhatikan kaum Cina. Mayoritas penduduk di kampung Tegal Alur adalah kaum Cina, tapi hidup pas–pasan. Ada yang tak memiliki pekerjaan, kawin muda, yang berakibat pada tingginya angka perceraian.
Syukur beberapa perempuan membentuk kelompok kerja kepercayaannya Rebeka. Pertama kali aku bertemu dengan seorang perempuan etnis Cina bernama Lili. Suaminya tidak memiliki pekerjaan. Lili sendirilah yang berusaha keras menyekolahkan kedua anaknya. Yang pertama masih duduk di bangku Sekolah Menegah Pertama dan yang bungsu masih duduk di Sekolah Dasar. ”Mau ke sekolah? Uang taxi ada tidak? Kalau belum ada, ini uang kalau tidak keberatan,” ujarku sambil menyodorkan uang Rp 20.000.
Dia langsung menerima, seraya mengucapkan terima kasih. Di sampingnya berdiri Lili, ibunya. Aku mengambil posisi duduk di teras, sebuah rumah lain. Aku berpikir, kemungkinan besar akan berbicara dengan tuan rumah menanyakan berapa harga tanah yang dijual, luas areal ini berapa. Tapi ternyata, semua orang, termasuk tuan rumah langsung angkat kaki, ”Maaf aku menjenguk orang sakit,” ujar tuan rumah.
Sekitar dua meter lebih, terlihat seorang perempuan menjajakan minuman dan makanan ringan. Aku langsung saja meminum, segelas sirup seraya menoleh kanan kiri. Ternyata tidak ada satu pun mau bicara denganku. ”Wah begini caranya hidup di Jakarta ya,” gumamku. Tempat untuk menjajakan makanan ringan serta minuman bersebelahan sekitar satu meter dengan sebuah rumah yang cukup amburadul. Didding sebelah tidak ada lagi. Yang tersisa adalah atapnya. Di sebelahnya berdinding semen, tapi tanpa pintu. Kesanku sangat amburadul. Untungnya masih ada atap tanpa jendela. Sungguh sangat memprihatinkan.
Seorang perempuan muda, kira-kira masih SMP, lagi meneguk air sirup. Mungkin dia tidak mau sekolah lagi, karena seharian yang bersangkutan duduk saja sejak aku pertama kali hadir di tempat ini.
Sabtu, 18 November 2006, keadaanku biasa saja. Mandi, sikat gigi kemudian sarapan. Dalam rangka penelitian yang dilakukan oleh Rebeka, aku berangkat ke Kampung Dadap, Tangerang ditemani oleh Widi. Kami berangkat ke Ci Lili, nama sapaan, artinya “Kak Lili.”
Sewaktu di rumah Lili, Rebeka memprotes cara kerja Widi. Tanpa tendeng aling-aling, kata-kata kasar ditujukan kepada Widi. Ini mungkin kebiasaan Rebeka. Widi diam saja, mendengar semprotan Rebeka. Aku yang pendiam , hanya menelisik lebih jauh pembicaraan mereka.
Minggu, 19 November 2006, aku langsung berangkat lagi dari rumah Rebeka, ke rumah Lili dan selanjutnya mengikuti pesta pernikahan seorang warga Cina.
Situasi sangat meriah. Ada ruang pesta dengan menu yang banyak. Tetapi ada juga khusus disiapkan oleh tuan rumah untuk berjudi. Laki serta perempuan paruh baya, orang tua mengepulkan asap rokok seraya mengocok kartu remi. Banyak orang yang hadir ruangan ini.
Disampingku duduk serombongan laki-laki ditemani dua orang perempuan. Kesanku kedua perempuan ini adalah perempuan panggilan, yang tiap kali hadir di pesta jenis ini. Ada juga perempuan lain sedang mengepulkan asap rokok di depanku. Menurut Rebeka, tempat pesta seperti ini adalah ajang bisnis prostitusi, selain berjudi serta menenggak alkohol. ”Kejadian seperti ini biasa bagi orang Dadap. Yang penting berjudi, alkohol, perempuan. Sementara istrinya bating tulang mencari uang,” ujar Rebeka kepadaku.
”Jika berdansa dengan perempuan, mereka biasanya tanya, biasa dibawa ke luar atau tidak. Tergantung si perempuan saja,” kata seorang tamu.
Saat sedang mengabadikan wajah beberapa orang, tiba-tiba seorang ketua kelompok nyanyi mengumumkan, ”Selamat datang di kampung kami, Dadap. Orang Papua selamat!” ujar ketua group seni.
Aku hanya menggeleng saja. Memang tak ada orang ”hitam” selain aku. Aku langsung bangga saat mendengar ada orang kulit hitam. Aku sebenarnya kelahiran Pulau Tanimbar, selatan Papua. “Luar biasa,” kataku. Acara demi acara kulalui, sampai akhir. Akupun pulang ke Tegal Alur, tempat Rebeka untuk istirahat.
Bermalam di Cibubur
Esoknya Senin, 20 November 2006 aku langsung pulang ke Cibubur dengan menumpangi mobil sedan biru. Sampai di rumah, aku disambut hangat oleh Paulus Baut, seorang mantan anggota DPR-RI dari Fraksi Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan beserta istrinya. Dua orang yang paling kukasihi adalah Ricky Baut dengan adiknya. Tanggal 22 November 2006, aku langsung berangkat ke Merauke.
Thursday, November 30, 2006
Tuesday, November 28, 2006
Kursus Narasi Angkatan I
Yayasan Pantau membuka kursus baru bernama “Narasi.” Ia dirancang untuk orang yang ingin belajar menulis panjang. Namun bukan sekadar panjang. Ia juga memikat sekaligus mendalam. Kursus ini cocok untuk orang yang berminat menulis esai atau buku. Pendekatannya pada materi nonfiksi.
Kursus diadakan selama 16 sesi dengan frekuensi mingguan, petang hari (pukul 19.00-21.00). Mingguan ini dirancang agar peserta punya waktu mengendapkan materi belajar, mengerjakan pekerjaan rumah serta membaca. Jumlah peserta maksimal 20 orang agar ada waktu diskusi. Kursus ini ditekankan pada banyak latihan.
Tugas akhirnya berupa penulisan sebuah narasi 5.000-7.500 kata. Ia dilakukan sesudah peserta berlatih melakukan riset, liputan, wawancara dan menulis. Jumlah kata sekadar pegangan saja. Ia bisa lebih panjang lagi.
Peserta akan membaca dan membicarakan karya-karya Joseph Mitchell, Truman Capote, John Hersey, Ryszard Kapuscinski serta menonton film “Black Hawk Down” karya Mark Bowden.
INSTRUKTUR
Andreas Harsono wartawan Jakarta yang pernah bekerja di harian The Nation (Bangkok), The Star (Kuala Lumpur) dan majalah Pantau (Jakarta). Ia menang beberapa penghargaan internasional antara lain The Correspondent of the Year dari The American Reporter (1997) serta Nieman Fellowship dari Universitas Harvard (1999-2000). Dia co-editor buku Jurnalisme Sastrawi: Antologi Liputan Mendalam dan Memikat (2005). Kini ia sedang menyelesaikan buku From Sabang to Merauke: Debunking the Myth of Indonesian Nationalism sebagai sebuah political travelogue. Weblog www.andreasharsono.blogspot.com
Budi Setiyono wartawan Jakarta, pernah bekerja untuk Suara Merdeka (Semarang) dan majalah Pantau (Jakarta). Ia jadi co-editor buku Revolusi Belum Selesai, yang berisi kumpulan pidato politik Presiden Soekarno, Jurnalisme Sastrawi: Antologi Liputan Mendalam dan Memikat dan sejumlah buku lainnya.
SYARAT DAN BIAYA
Peserta terbiasa dengan dunia tulis-menulis. Entah menulis di blog, makalah, buku harian atau media. Mereka juga terbiasa melakukan riset dan akrab dengan internet. Latar belakang bisa dari berbagai disiplin ilmu, minat atau profesi. Bisa aktivis, wartawan, dokter, arsitek, pengacara, mahasiswa, dan sebagainya. Peserta juga wajib lancar membaca naskah dalam bahasa Inggris karena banyak materi kursus dari bahasa Inggris.
Peserta dikenakan biaya Rp 4 juta. Bila ada peserta dari luar Jakarta, Pantau bisa membantu mencarikan pemondokan atau magang.
SILABUS
Sebelum memasuki hari pertama, sebaiknya Anda sudah membaca Resensi buku “Sembilan Elemen Jurnalisme” oleh Andreas Harsono (kalau tertarik baca bukunya The Elements of Journalism atau versi Indonesia Sembilan Elemen Jurnalisme)
HARI PERTAMA (28 November 2006)
Perkenalan, pembicaraan silabus dan diskusi soal jurnalisme dasar, isu tentang “objektivitas” wartawan dengan membahas “Sembilan Elemen Jurnalisme” dari Bill Kovach dan Tom Rosenstiel serta membandingkannya dengan praktik jurnalisme di Jakarta a.l. byline, firewall, advertorial. [Andreas Harsono dan Budi Setiyono]
Pekerjaan rumah: bacalah “Kegusaran Tom Wolfe” oleh Septiawan Santana Kurnia; “Ibarat Kawan Lama Datang Bercerita” oleh Andreas Harsono; edisi jurnal Nieman Reports tentang narrative journalism.
HARI KEDUA (5 Desember 2006)
Diskusi soal jurnalisme sastrawi, bagaimana Tom Wolfe memulai gerakan ini di Amerika Serikat pada 1960-an dan bagaimana suratkabar-suratkabar Amerika mengambil elemen-elemen genre ini. Diskusi tentang prinsip-prinsip dasar dalam melakukan reportase, membedakan mana yang fakta dan mana yang fiksi, kriteria dari gerakan “literary journalism.” [Andreas Harsono]
Pekerjaan rumah: bacalah “Hiroshima” oleh John Hersey dan “Menyusuri Jejak John ‘Hiroshima’ Hersey”oleh Bimo Nugroho.
HARI KETIGA (12 Desember 2006)
Diskusi soal struktur dengan contoh “Hiroshima” karya John Hersey. Ini sebuah karya klasik, dimuat majalah The New Yorker pada Agustus 1946, yang pernah dipilih sebuah panel wartawan dan akademisi Universitas Columbia sebagai naskah terbaik jurnalisme Amerika pada abad XX. [Budi Setiyono]
Pekerjaan rumah: bacalah “Kejarlah Daku Kau Kusekolahkan” karya Alfian Hamzah.
HARI KEEMPAT (19 Desember 2006)
Diskusi soal deskripsi dan dialog dengan melihat “Kejarlah Daku Kau Sekolahkan”. [Budi Setiyono]
Pekerjaan rumah: siapkanlah ide untuk liputan panjang, yang bisa dikerjakan selama liburan panjang (Natal dan tahun baru). Perbanyak riset dan wawancara background untuk memperkuat ide liputan. Tuangkan ide Anda dalam sebuah outline yang akan dibahas pada pertemuan berikutnya. Sebagai catatan, ide liputan ini bisa dipakai untuk setiap tugas dalam tiap sesi.
HARI KELIMA (9 Januari 2007)
Diskusi soal persiapan liputan panjang. Ide cerita setiap peserta akan dibahas bersama-sama. Baik dari kebaruan ide maupun cara kerjanya? Setiap peserta akan presentasi ide buat tugas akhirnya. [Andreas Harsono]
Pekerjaan rumah: bacalah “Republik Indonesia Kilometer Nol” karya Andreas Harsono
HARI KEENAM (16 Januari 2007)
Diskusi soal struktur karangan dengan melihat “Republik Indonesia Kilometer Nol” serta makna bahasa Melayu dalam bangunan sosial Indonesia. Soal feature, penciptaan adegan, penggunaan dialog juga akan dibahas. [Andreas Harsono]
Pekerjaan rumah: “Republik Indonesia Kilometer Nol” karya Andreas Harsono dan buatlah sebuah narasi pendek, satu halaman, dengan gaya orang pertama ("saya" atau “aku” atau “kita”) untuk menggambarkan sebuah ide dengan adegan. Referensi buku biasanya membantu argumentasi sebuah ide.
HARI KETUJUH (23 Januari 2007)
Diskusi soal bagaimana mengawinkan analisis dan cerita perjalanan. Pembahasan tugas juga dilakukan. [Andreas Harsono]
Pekerjaan rumah: bacalah “The Soccer War” karya Ryszard Kapuscinski dan “Blood and Belonging” karya Michael Iguaties
HARI KEDELAPAN (30 Januari 2007)
Diskusi soal bagaimana mengawinkan analisis dan cerita. [Andreas Harsono]
Pekerjaan rumah: bacalah “Black Hawk Down” karya Mark Bowden.
HARI KESEMBILAN (6 Februari 2007)
Nonton dan diskusi film Black Hawk Down [Budi Setiyono]
Pekerjaan rumah: “Ngak Ngik Ngok” karya Budi Setiyono dan buku ”Bung Karno Penyambung Lidah Rakyat” karya Cindy Adams.
HARI KESEPULUH (13 Februari 2007)
Diskusi soal bagaimana membuat cerita sejarah, biografi, dengan mengawinkan data sejarah dan cerita [Budi Setiyono]
Pekerjaan rumah: “Frank Sinatra Kena Salesma” karya Gay Talese, dan ”Ini Sebuah Kehormatan” karya Jimmy Breslin, “Ali Kini” karya Cal Fussman.
HARI KESEBELAS (20 Februari 2007)
Diskusi soal penokohan dan sudut pandang; bagaimana mengembangkan tokoh serta menampilkan cerita dari suatu sudut pandang. [Budi Setiyono]
HARI KEDUABELAS (27 Februari 2007)
Teknik wawancara dengan melihat teknik-teknik yang dikembangkan oleh International Center for Journalists. [Budi Setiyono]
Pekerjaan rumah: “Humor Mahasiswa” oleh James Danandjaja; “Mati Ketawa Cara Daripada Soeharto” (anonim - penerbitan bawah tanah), dan “Humor Jurnalistik” oleh Mahbub Djunaidi. Bikinlah satu humor yang nonfiksi.
HARI KETIGABELAS (6 Maret 2007)
Diskusi soal memasukkan humor dalam karangan. [Budi Setiyono]**
Pekerjaan rumah: bacalah “Semangkin Dikangeni: Pocapan Umar Kayak dalam KR” oleh Jennifer Lindsay; Benedict Anderson dalam kata pengantar buku “Indonesia dalam Api dan Bara.”
HARI KEEMPATBELAS (13 Maret 2007)
Diskusi soal bahasa dan bangsa serta bagaimana melihat isu itu dalam kepenulisan di Jakarta. [Budi Setiyono]**
Pekerjaan rumah: Persiapkan liputan panjang Anda.
HARI KELIMABELAS (20 Maret 2007)
Diskusi soal perkembangan liputan panjang yang sedang dikerjakan. [Budi Setiyono]**
HARI KEENAMBELAS (27 Maret 2007)
Warna sari, tanya jawab. Penutupan. [Andreas Harsono dan Budi Setiyono]
* Catatan: Akan diadakan satu sesi di luar kelas. Waktu dan tempat didiskusikan bersama. Setiap saat peserta juga mendiskusikan liputan yang sedang dikerjakan melalui mailing-list.
** Pembicara tamu: Raymond Bonner dan Jane Perlez (dalam konfirmasi). Kemungkinan pembicara tamu lain sangat dimungkinkan.
Friday, November 24, 2006
Puisi Sepi
Ketika masih remaja, saya ternyata sering sekali menulis puisi. Kebanyakan ditulis dalam buku harian saja. Sesekali juga menulis cerita pendek. Saya mulai rutin menulis buku harian sejak 1 Januari 1978 ketika mulai sekolah di SMP Katolik Maria Fatima di Jember. Kegiatan menulis puisi ini makin sering ketika masuk SMA Katolik Sint Albertus di Malang pada 1982.
Ternyata ketika remaja, saya punya banyak kegiatan --badminton, basket, nonton bioskop, main dengan teman sekolah, les bahasa Inggris, bahasa Jerman, kursus gitar, main band, vocal group, pada 1982 jatuh cinta pertama dengan "PHE"-- namun saya juga sering merasa sedih. Perkawinan orang tua saya berantakan. Papa tinggal di Jember. Mama pindah ke Lawang. Namun perasaan risau dengan PHE juga menyumbang kegalauan dalam puisi-puisi yang saya buat pada 1982.
Setelah kuliah di Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana, kegiatan menulis puisi praktis menyurut. Saya mulai sibuk diskusi politik dengan kelompok Arief Budiman. Lalu ikut aktivisme mahasiswa dan pers mahasiswa. Saya rutin menulis untuk harian Suara Merdeka Semarang. Sedikit demi sedikit, saya makin masuk ke dalam dunia non-fiksi. Puisi praktis tak pernah saya buat lagi.
Saya coba cari beberapa puisi remaja yang saya suka.
sepi merambat
menerobos jalan
memecahkan sunyi
sebutir sepi
sepucuk kelam
sekeping hati, luka
dalam
perih
hitam
Lawang, 9 Januari 1982
Kami adalah sekerumun anjing liar yang paling perkasa
Berpacu dari armagedon hingga kelam
Kami berlari tanpa menjadi letih
Kami berjalan tanpa menjadi lesuh
Kami pahlawan tanpa nama
Bertaruh dengan kehampaan nyata hingga keping-keping kami yang terakhir
Menangis untuk kemenangan dan tertawa untuk sebutir kekalahan
Lawang, 9 Juli 1982
Ternyata ketika remaja, saya punya banyak kegiatan --badminton, basket, nonton bioskop, main dengan teman sekolah, les bahasa Inggris, bahasa Jerman, kursus gitar, main band, vocal group, pada 1982 jatuh cinta pertama dengan "PHE"-- namun saya juga sering merasa sedih. Perkawinan orang tua saya berantakan. Papa tinggal di Jember. Mama pindah ke Lawang. Namun perasaan risau dengan PHE juga menyumbang kegalauan dalam puisi-puisi yang saya buat pada 1982.
Setelah kuliah di Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana, kegiatan menulis puisi praktis menyurut. Saya mulai sibuk diskusi politik dengan kelompok Arief Budiman. Lalu ikut aktivisme mahasiswa dan pers mahasiswa. Saya rutin menulis untuk harian Suara Merdeka Semarang. Sedikit demi sedikit, saya makin masuk ke dalam dunia non-fiksi. Puisi praktis tak pernah saya buat lagi.
Saya coba cari beberapa puisi remaja yang saya suka.
sepi merambat
menerobos jalan
memecahkan sunyi
sebutir sepi
sepucuk kelam
sekeping hati, luka
dalam
perih
hitam
Lawang, 9 Januari 1982
Kami adalah sekerumun anjing liar yang paling perkasa
Berpacu dari armagedon hingga kelam
Kami berlari tanpa menjadi letih
Kami berjalan tanpa menjadi lesuh
Kami pahlawan tanpa nama
Bertaruh dengan kehampaan nyata hingga keping-keping kami yang terakhir
Menangis untuk kemenangan dan tertawa untuk sebutir kekalahan
Lawang, 9 Juli 1982
Thursday, November 23, 2006
Isi Majalah Indopahit
Aku lagi seneng menyunting naskah, mencari gambar, diskusi foto dan sebagainya untuk proyek "majalah" Indopahit ini. Isinya kurang lebih akan dibuka dengan sekumpulan cerita pendek tentang pertemanan, pernikahan dan keluarga. Ada lima orang disini yang menulis --mungkin masih ada susulan. Urutannya sebagai berikut:
- Keriangan, Keragaman oleh Coen Husain Pontoh (New York)
- Surat dari Ende oleh Esti Wahyuni (Ende)
- Jojoba, Jomblo, Jomblo, Bahagia oleh A. Widaningsih Pahlevi (Pontianak)
- Pernikahan oleh Indarwati Aminuddin (Kendari)
- Sebentuk Cinta yang Tak Tergantikan Linda Christanty (Banda Aceh)
Kumpulan ini akan diikuti oleh naskah-naskah panjang. Mulanya, dibuka dengan esai, "Mengapa Kami Menikah?" karya Sapariah Saturi dan aku. Kami bergantian menjawab isu-isu yang penting. Ada foto dari jepretan Mohamad Iqbal disini. Iqbal bekerja keras, membawa alat-alat fotonya, ke apartemen. Kami pergi ke atap, ke kolam renang, ke lapangan basket dan segalanya buat pemotretan.
Sapariah menulis, "Aku merasa cocok. Mas, orangnya peduli dan perhatian. Bukan hanya dengan orang-orang terdekatnya, tapi semua orang, terutama kalangan tertindas. Jadi aku merasa enak dan aman. Mas itu orang yang punya prinsip, bekerja dengan jujur dan benar. Maka tak heran kalau setiap saat aku selalu mendengar ocehan dan kekesalannya terhadap carut marut negara dan pelaksananya."
Naskah panjang berikutnya, sekitar 12 halaman, "Cerita Mak Isah" karangan Muhlis Suhaeri dan foto Haryo Damardono. Mak Isah adalah calon mertua aku. Beliau seorang perempuan Madura, kelahiran Borneo, sederhana, punya prinsip, saleh dan baik hati. Muhlis wawancara keluarga Mamak. Haryo bikin foto kolase berwarna Mak Isah serta desa Punggur dimana keluarga mereka berasal.
Iqbal lalu bikin esai foto delapan halaman dari apartemen aku: kamar mandi, kulkas, Norman, jemuran dan sebagainya. Ini sama sekali beda dengan foto pre-wedding biasa. Iqbal bukan tipe fotografer yang puas dengan kebiasaan biasa dimana sepasang pengantin dipotret seakan-akan mereka tak hidup dalam dunianya. Sapariah sudah dandan hingga hampir dua jam --dibantu teman-teman kost-- tapi Iqbal menganggapnya kurang penting. Iqbal ingin kami tampil sederhana, biasa saja. Pemotretan pun diulang dua hari lagi.
"10 Puisi Mitologi" karya penyair Hasan Aspahani juga akan meramaikan majalah ini. Hasan tinggal di Batam. Dia teman sekelasnya Sapariah ketika ikut kursus Jurnalisme Sastrawi angkatan VII. Muhlis ikut angkatan VI. Aku kebetulan ... ehm ... yang jadi instrukturnya. Jadi, ini cerita soal guru dapat murid.
Aku kini lagi cari bahan dan menulis narasi terakhir berjudul, "Seorang Hoakio dari Jember" tentang masa kecil seorang anak Hoakio bernama Ong Tjie Liang. Aku wawancara keluarganya. Aku cari guru-gurunya. Aku ingin menulis bagaimana Ong kecil memandang kekuasaan.
Anda mungkin ingat Ong Tjie Liang adalah Chinese name dari Andreas Harsono. Ini sebuah esai tentang masa kecil aku dengan menggunakan gaya orang ketiga, yang kebetulan, namanya berbeda namun individunya sama. Unik bukan?
Monday, November 20, 2006
Kartun Pernikahan
Saya membolak-balik buku Covering The New Yorker karya Francoise Mouly untuk cari ide. Majalah The New Yorker punya policy bikin kulit muka yang berupa gambar. Ini saya perlukan guna membuat kulit muka "majalah" untuk perkawinan Januari nanti.
Setiap bulan Juni, The New Yorker menerbitkan kulit muka dengan tema perkawinan. Ini mungkin terkait budaya negeri dingin dimana musim panas dipakai untuk menikah. Kalau dalam tradisi Islam, ini mirip dengan bulan sesudah Lebaran Haji dimana orang ramai-ramai menikah.
Buku ini menerbitkan enam gambar dengan tema "Wedding." Ada yang berupa pernikahan zaman dulu dimana si pengantin lelaki duduk dan wanita berdiri (karya Rea Irvin, 11 Juni 1927). Ini menggambarkan dominasi lelaki dalam perkawinan. Dulu lelaki sangat dominan dalam menentukan A-B-C pernikahan. Pose nikah pun si perempuan berdiri dan lelaki duduk.
George Riemann menggambar "Modern Marriage" untuk edisi 9 Juni 1997 dimana digambarkan sepasang pengantin memasang "cincin" diawasi seorang pendeta (yang menikahkan mereka). Unsur modernnya, "cincin" itu dipasangkan di hidung, bukan di jari tangan. Kedua pengantin dilukiskan sebagai orang punk. Mempelai pria punya rambut Mohawk.
Edward Sorel pada edisi 15 Juni 1998, menggambarkan sepasang pengantin menikah depan pastor, seraya di langit-langit digambarkan delapan gadis, melayang-layang meninggalkan si pengantin pria. Tafsiran saya, si pria ini termasuk playboy. Saat menikah, ia harus kehilangan pacar-pacarnya.
Jacques de Loustal menggambar wedding yang unik sekali untuk edisi 13 Juni 1994: kedua pengantinnya lelaki. Mereka sama-sama pakai jas ciamik. Ada kue tart. Pakai sarung tangan. Ada sapu tangan di saku jas. Ini perkawinan homoseksual. Judulnya, "June Grooms." Ini permainan kata-kata karena "groom" artinya mempelai lelaki ("bride" untuk perempuan). Biasanya, pernikahan dikatakan dengan bride-and-groom. Di beberapa tempat di Amerika, sekarang memang sudah dilegalkan pernikahan homoseksual. Ini suatu langkah modern. The New Yorker mencoba mencerminkan trend tersebut.
Pada 7 Juni 1999, Ian Falconer, seorang artis yang sering menggambar untuk The New Yorker, menggambar kue tart dengan puncaknya dihiasi boneka sepasang pengantin. Uniknya, si groom lelaki tua, pendek, botak. Si bride, wanita muda, berdada busung, pinggang ramping dan tinggi. Lebih tinggi dari si groom. Ini olok-olok untuk lelaki tua kaya yang menikahi perempuan muda. Judulnya, "The Icing on the Cake."
Mary Petty menggambar seorang bride menaiki tangga, tampaknya tangga hotel setelah selesai acara gereja, dan ia hendak melemparkan buket bunga, yang dipegangnya selama acara, ke sekelompok gadis pagar ayu. Konon perawan yang mendapatkan bunga itu, akan enteng jodoh, segera menikah, ketularan dari si mempelai wanita tadi. Jadi gadis-gadis ini digambarkan mengangkat tangan guna berebut mendapatkan bunga.
Kalau saya boleh membantu mencari hal-hal lucu dalam pesta-pesta pernikahan di Jakarta, saya kira, ada beberapa contoh. Misalnya, antrian panjang untuk menjabat tangan mempelai dan orang tuanya. Di Jakarta, orang pesta nikah sekaligus untuk memamerkan keberhasilannya. Maka undangan dibuat hingga 1000-1500 orang. Terkadang 2000 undangan lebih sehingga untuk berjabatan tangan kita harus antri ular. Bisa 45 menit hanya buat tunggu jabatan tangan. Unsur memamerkan kekayaan dalam acara nikah ini --sesuatu yang tak pernah saya alami ketika dulu tinggal di Boston-- sering membuat saya enggan pergi ke pesta nikah.
Kelucuan lain adalah tumpah ruahnya makanan. Mungkin ini dibuat kontras dengan kemiskinan yang ada di Indonesia. Atau bisa juga macetnya jalan karena para tamu bermobil. Atau bisa juga, kalau perlu mengutang agar bisa bikin pesta besar-besaran. Lama-kelamaan tradisi ini membuat kita sendiri terpenjara. Orang yang sadar pun tak kuasa menolak!
Setiap bulan Juni, The New Yorker menerbitkan kulit muka dengan tema perkawinan. Ini mungkin terkait budaya negeri dingin dimana musim panas dipakai untuk menikah. Kalau dalam tradisi Islam, ini mirip dengan bulan sesudah Lebaran Haji dimana orang ramai-ramai menikah.
Buku ini menerbitkan enam gambar dengan tema "Wedding." Ada yang berupa pernikahan zaman dulu dimana si pengantin lelaki duduk dan wanita berdiri (karya Rea Irvin, 11 Juni 1927). Ini menggambarkan dominasi lelaki dalam perkawinan. Dulu lelaki sangat dominan dalam menentukan A-B-C pernikahan. Pose nikah pun si perempuan berdiri dan lelaki duduk.
George Riemann menggambar "Modern Marriage" untuk edisi 9 Juni 1997 dimana digambarkan sepasang pengantin memasang "cincin" diawasi seorang pendeta (yang menikahkan mereka). Unsur modernnya, "cincin" itu dipasangkan di hidung, bukan di jari tangan. Kedua pengantin dilukiskan sebagai orang punk. Mempelai pria punya rambut Mohawk.
Edward Sorel pada edisi 15 Juni 1998, menggambarkan sepasang pengantin menikah depan pastor, seraya di langit-langit digambarkan delapan gadis, melayang-layang meninggalkan si pengantin pria. Tafsiran saya, si pria ini termasuk playboy. Saat menikah, ia harus kehilangan pacar-pacarnya.
Jacques de Loustal menggambar wedding yang unik sekali untuk edisi 13 Juni 1994: kedua pengantinnya lelaki. Mereka sama-sama pakai jas ciamik. Ada kue tart. Pakai sarung tangan. Ada sapu tangan di saku jas. Ini perkawinan homoseksual. Judulnya, "June Grooms." Ini permainan kata-kata karena "groom" artinya mempelai lelaki ("bride" untuk perempuan). Biasanya, pernikahan dikatakan dengan bride-and-groom. Di beberapa tempat di Amerika, sekarang memang sudah dilegalkan pernikahan homoseksual. Ini suatu langkah modern. The New Yorker mencoba mencerminkan trend tersebut.
Pada 7 Juni 1999, Ian Falconer, seorang artis yang sering menggambar untuk The New Yorker, menggambar kue tart dengan puncaknya dihiasi boneka sepasang pengantin. Uniknya, si groom lelaki tua, pendek, botak. Si bride, wanita muda, berdada busung, pinggang ramping dan tinggi. Lebih tinggi dari si groom. Ini olok-olok untuk lelaki tua kaya yang menikahi perempuan muda. Judulnya, "The Icing on the Cake."
Mary Petty menggambar seorang bride menaiki tangga, tampaknya tangga hotel setelah selesai acara gereja, dan ia hendak melemparkan buket bunga, yang dipegangnya selama acara, ke sekelompok gadis pagar ayu. Konon perawan yang mendapatkan bunga itu, akan enteng jodoh, segera menikah, ketularan dari si mempelai wanita tadi. Jadi gadis-gadis ini digambarkan mengangkat tangan guna berebut mendapatkan bunga.
Kalau saya boleh membantu mencari hal-hal lucu dalam pesta-pesta pernikahan di Jakarta, saya kira, ada beberapa contoh. Misalnya, antrian panjang untuk menjabat tangan mempelai dan orang tuanya. Di Jakarta, orang pesta nikah sekaligus untuk memamerkan keberhasilannya. Maka undangan dibuat hingga 1000-1500 orang. Terkadang 2000 undangan lebih sehingga untuk berjabatan tangan kita harus antri ular. Bisa 45 menit hanya buat tunggu jabatan tangan. Unsur memamerkan kekayaan dalam acara nikah ini --sesuatu yang tak pernah saya alami ketika dulu tinggal di Boston-- sering membuat saya enggan pergi ke pesta nikah.
Kelucuan lain adalah tumpah ruahnya makanan. Mungkin ini dibuat kontras dengan kemiskinan yang ada di Indonesia. Atau bisa juga macetnya jalan karena para tamu bermobil. Atau bisa juga, kalau perlu mengutang agar bisa bikin pesta besar-besaran. Lama-kelamaan tradisi ini membuat kita sendiri terpenjara. Orang yang sadar pun tak kuasa menolak!
Wednesday, November 15, 2006
Majalah Indopahit
Saya memutuskan mencetak sebuah majalah bernama Indopahit sebagai "undangan perkawinan" Sapariah dan saya Januari depan.
Ide awalnya adalah bikin Pantau edisi perkawinan namun saya mengubahnya jadi Indopahit.
Pertimbangannya, lebih hemat biaya (ukuran lebih kecil) dan sekaligus mencoba konsep baru. Saya ingin mencoba sebuah ide baru, bikin majalah pemikiran ukuran 14.5 x 21 cm --seukuran Granta dari London.
Slogannya, "Pemikiran baru, Nasionalisme baru."
Mengapa diberi Indopahit?
Kami mulai tertarik satu sama lain, ketika lagi membicarakan kekacauan dan kepahitan hidup di Indonesia. Sapariah orang Madura Borneo. Saya Hoakio kelahiran Jawa. Ini dua dari banyak kelompok minoritas yang mengalami diskriminasi, bahkan kekejaman, di Indonesia.
Lebih dari 6500 orang Madura dibunuh di Borneo dalam 10 tahun terakhir ini. Orang Hoakio jangan tanya deh. Indonesia adalah negara yang rasialis terhadap orang Tionghoa. Entah berapa orang Hoakiao dibunuh pada 1965 sampai 1968 termasuk di Borneo.
Maka muncullah olok-olok “Indonesia keturunan Majapahit yang pahit.”
Nama pun dipilih Indopahit.
Siapa tahu, kelak ada orang yang tertarik, untuk benar-benar menjadikannya sebuah majalah pemikiran, yang isinya kritik terhadap Indonesia?
Kalau ada, maka para pendukungnya sudah berjejer-jejer.
Buku ini dikerjakan oleh sebuah panitia kecil. Ia melibatkan Mohamad Iqbal dari Galeri Foto Jurnalistik Antara. Muhlis Suhaeri dan Haryo Damardono dari Pontianak. Hasan Aspahani dari Batam. Muhammad Ifoed dari Kelompok Kartunis Kaliwungu.
Saya juga dibantu disainer Vera Rosana. Sahabat-sahabat dari almarhum majalah Pantau, antara lain Coen Husain Pontoh, Indarwati Aminuddin, Linda Christanty, meluangkan waktu buat menulis.
Ini belum lagi mereka yang membantu di luar urusan editorial. Aduh banyak sekali deh bantuannya.
Nanti saya akan mencetaknya 1000 eksemplar dimana separuhnya dipakai untuk undangan perkawinan. Separuhnya, untuk dibagi-bagikan kepada mereka yang tertarik. Isinya, ciamik dan bikin kaget.
Monday, November 13, 2006
Private Investigator
Selasa siang lalu, saya mewawancarai seorang business leader. Kami makan di Plasa Senayan sambil wawancara untuk bahan buku Collateral Damage. Buku ini akan diterbitkan International Consorsium of Investigative Journalists tentang perubahan militer Amerika sesudah 9/11. Saya menulis khusus soal Indonesia.
Intinya, kami mencari tahu bagaimana kerja sama militer Amerika dan Indonesia berubah sejak 9/11. Saya mengumpulkan dokumen, wawancara lebih dari 70 orang, termasuk menerbitkan satu laporan singkat tentang kerja sama Gus Dur Foundation dengan Badan Intelijen Negara. Saya pergi ke Papua dan Aceh. Pekerjaan ini berjalan sejak Maret lalu dan rencananya terbit awal tahun depan.
Wawancara berjalan baik. Saya terangkan prosedur dan motivasi kerja saya. Dia memberikan banyak informasi penting. Saya berikan kartu nama dimana tercantum alamat Yayasan Pantau dan blog pribadi. Saya kenal tokoh ini ketika saya jadi reporter kurcaci di Phnom Penh 1993.
Malamnya, dia menelepon dan mengajak ketemuan. Intinya, dia mengatakan baca laporan saya di blog. Saya ditawarinya bikin investigasi untuk perusahaannya. Ia lagi mempelajari kemungkinan membeli saham sebuah perusahaan dan sedang menyelidiki seorang kompetitornya. Belakangan saya tahu nilai saham yang ditawarkan mendekati satu milyar dollar.
Saya menolak karena saya cukup sibuk hingga tahun depan. Saya harus menyelesaikan buku ini maupun buku saya pribadi.
Dia menjawab saya bisa mempekerjakan asisten asal saya yang melakukan "quality control." Laporan dalam bahasa Inggris. Dia juga minta nama dan perusahaannya tak disebutkan dalam kerja ini. Ini harus confidential.
Saya jawab biaya liputan saya cukup mahal. Saya biasa menarik bayaran minimal $5,000 per naskah plus biaya perjalanan, riset, beli buku dan sebagainya. Dia bilang biaya itu masih termasuk dalam jangkauannya. Dia ingin tahu siapa kompetitornya itu? Siapa teman-temannya? Siapa lawan-lawannya? Dimana si kompetitor menyimpan uangnya? Dia tahunya hanya berhubungan dengan saya.
Mulailah bimbang. Saya perlu uang buat persiapan pernikahan Januari depan. Calon isteri maupun saya tak punya tabungan. Saya mulanya berharap ada honor $5000 dari New York masuk ke rekening saat Lebaran. Ternyata ada masalah, dia belum membayar dengan macam-macam alasan "... because all funds to and from RI are closely monitored by various agencies such as NSA et al."
Saya minta waktu semalam buat mengambil keputusan. Saya bicara dengan calon isteri saya, Sapariah, serta empat rekan Yayasan Pantau.
Satu rekan bilang di Jakarta memang ada kebutuhan "business investigator" dan tak ada lembaga yang menawarkan jasa ini. Tapi rekan ini menilai Pantau bukan tempat yang cocok. Misi Pantau terkait melulu dengan jurnalisme. Dia bilang tawarkan saja ke media atau wartawan lain.
Saya tahu majalah The Economist punya "Intelligence Unit" yang menyediakan jasa beginian. Wall Street Journal khusus bikin mailing list tentang bisnis di Tiongkok. Industri pelanggannya tentu harus bayar cukup mahal.
Sapariah bilang teknik kerja investigator tak beda dengan kewartawanan: riset, wawancara, analisis, penulisan, mungkin juga foto dan grafik. Tak sulit untuk menemukan biodata si kompetitor. Saya membongkar perpustakaan dan menemukan sebuah buku terkait orang yang dimaksud. Saya merasa tertantang untuk membongkar si kompetitor misterius itu. Siapa penyandang dananya? Politikus yang backing dia?
Namun saya ragu-ragu. Rabu pagi Sapariah kirim SMS, minta saya tak menerima tawaran itu. Ini bisa mengaburkan kerja antara wartawan dan "private investigator." Bila ia melibatkan Pantau maka "... berkat nila setitik rusak susu sebelanga." Rekan-rekan Pantau senada dengan Sapariah.
Bagaimana seorang wartawan menerangkan kepada sumber-sumbernya bila ia menerima pekerjaan ini? Masakan harus memakai nama medianya? Artinya dia berbohong bukan? Padahal menyebut langsung nama si "employer" tak bisa dilakukan karena ada kesepakatan "confidentiality"?
Saya kira, kalau seorang wartawan sudah janji "confidential," ya benar-benar "confidential" ala Bob Woodward dan Deep Throat alias Mark Felt. Woodward menolak bilang nama Felt selama 33 hingga Felt sendiri membukanya sendiri Mei 2005. Felt adalah wakil direktur FBI yang membantu Woodward dan Carl Bernstein membongkar skandal Watergate.
Intinya, ini bukan pekerjaan wartawan. Esensi jurnalisme, maupun "private investigation," adalah verifikasi. Namun jurnalisme meminta praktisinya bekerja dengan transparan dalam metode maupun motivasi. Seorang wartawan harus jujur mengatakan dia bekerja untuk siapa. Seorang "private investigator," sebaliknya, sering harus melindungi identitas kliennya.
Rekan-rekan saya tahu kesulitan keuangan saya namun bilang saya sebaiknya tak menerima tawaran itu. Ini soal prinsip. Kesulitan keuangan justru ujian untuk prinsip kita.
Rabu siang, "business leader" ini bertemu saya lagi di Starbucks. Saya menyatakan sopan bahwa saya tertarik tantangannya namun etika kerja jurnalisme membuat saya tak bisa melakukannya. Jurnalisme mengabdi pada kepentingan masyarakat luas. "Private investigation" melayani klien semata, walau secara tak langsung, juga akan melayani masyarakat luas --lewat kesempatan kerja, pertambahan nilai modal dan sebagainya.
Dia juga berharap saya masih mau mempertimbangkan tawarannya. Namun dia memahami pertimbangan saya. Saya kira kami saling menghormati posisi masing-masing. Saya ingin tetap menjaga hubungan saya sebagai wartawan dengan nara sumbernya daripada mengubahnya menjadi hubungan employer-employee. Dia juga suka dengan wartawan yang tak tergoda dengan tawaran non-jurnalisme.
"Business leader" ini minta saya merekomendasikan nama lain. Aduh berat rasanya. Kalau saya selaku wartawan tak boleh melakukannya, saya juga tak boleh merekomendasikan wartawan lain melakukannya bukan?
Rabu malam, saya merasa sudah melewati satu tarikan lagi dalam karir kewartawanan saya. Saya dulu mengambil kesimpulan wartawan yang baik sebaiknya tak punya karir sebagai politikus (masuk partai atau birokrasi pemerintahan nasional maupun internasional).
Saya juga sejak muda menolak tawaran jadi "speech writer," "public relation officer" atau "communication consultant." Saya anggap wartawan yang sudah keluar dari media --kerja di NGO, partai politik, birokrasi, atau perusahaan public relations-- sudah bukan wartawan lagi, walau mereka, tentu saja, masih menulis, bahkan banyak yang bagus. Tapi interest dan sudut pandangnya --atau persepsi publik terhadap sudut pandang mereka-- sudah berubah. Saya hormat pada mereka namun saya kira mereka lebih sulit bikin reportase yang mendalam, bila berkenaan dengan orang-orang yang mereka layani.
Kini saya mencapai kesimpulan wartawan sebaiknya juga tak terlibat ""private investigations." Saya kira tarikan jadi investigator ini bakal muncul makin sering di Jakarta dan tempat lain. Tapi pergumulan Selasa-Rabu lalu memberi kesempatan bagi saya berpikir dan menarik kesimpulan pekerjaan ini bertentangan dengan kewartawanan.
Friday, November 10, 2006
Indonesia: A Study in Military Manipulation
By Andreas Harsono/Jakarta
The Irrawaddy
Why the pursuit of enemies of the West strengthens the traditional hold on power of East Asia’s largest army?
The restoration by the US of full military ties with Indonesia, in the common interest of combating global terrorism, has been used by Jakarta’s generals to further their own domestic political interests as well as to hunt down Islamic extremists.
They divided Papua into two different provinces to weaken rising Papuan nationalism, even though the move was against Papua’s special autonomy law. The central government managed to persuade Indonesia’s Supreme Court to rule in favor of the division.
Jakarta also negotiated with Acheh nationalists to sign a peace agreement in Helsinki, a move widely applauded although Jakarta later betrayed the agreement by passing a contradictory Aceh bill. Furthermore, the Indonesian military has dragged its feet in handing over its business empire to the government.
This continued manipulation of power by the military, and the elected executive’s failure to reform it since the end of the Suharto dictatorship in 1998, follows one of six scenarios put forward for Indonesia’s future in a report by the Rand Corporation, a US think-tank, which is closely linked with the Pentagon. The report, published in 2002 as The Military and Democracy in Indonesia: Challenges, Politics, and Power, was written by two American military strategists, Angel Rabasa and John Haseman.
Rabasa is a senior policy analyst at Rand Corporation. Haseman is a retired colonel and former US defense attaché in Jakarta from 1978 to 1994. He once declared that Indonesia’s military “was, is, and will remain the most powerful and important political institution in Indonesia.” According to Haseman, the Indonesian military has three priorities: to maintain power, to protect its business empire and to maintain internal control of senior assignments.
Rabasa and Haseman argued that the US should engage the Indonesian military and restore the American military training and education program for Indonesian officers. These programs were initially cut off after Indonesian soldiers killed more than 200 protesters in Dili in November 1991. They were totally scrapped after Indonesian army-backed militias ransacked East Timor after it voted for independence in 1999.
The report also delved into what the authors called Indonesia’s six post-9/11 “scenarios.” The first, and best, scenario is a “consolidated democracy.” This would mean developing a secular state to improve its economic performance and to satisfy demands for autonomy, especially on the outer islands. But this scenario is the most difficult and the most unlikely.
Indonesia is a relatively young entity. Dutch colonialists were the first to unite this vast archipelago comprising more than 17,000 islands and stretching over six time zones. Its 220 million people speak more than 500 different languages and 88 percent of them are Muslim. It has a Christian majority in eastern areas.
Since the 1950s, Aceh in northern Sumatra has struggled to secede from Indonesia. Papua set up its own Free Papua Organization in 1965. Four million people have been killed in Indonesia over the last six decades as a result of “rebellion” in the pursuit of separatism.
Haseman said the Indonesian military’s concept of “reform” does not include any enthusiasm for accountability for past transgressions and can be expected to resist it.
The second scenario is defined as “muddling through,” in which Indonesia continues on a democratic path but fails to make progress on economic, political and military reform. “This scenario reflects the current situation in Indonesia,” say Haseman and Rabasa. “A weak Indonesian government would continue to find it difficult to take meaningful action against terrorists and radical Islam groups.”
New York Times columnist Thomas L Friedman calls Indonesia a messy state. Indonesia is too big to fail, but too messy to work. It has rampant corruption. Neither the military, the parliament, the executive, nor the remnants of the Suharto order, have the strength to assert their will. Terrorists love such conditions. “That’s why in messy states, you never quite know when arms are sold, people murdered or payoffs demanded, or whether this is by design of those ostensibly in charge or because no one is in charge,” writes Friedman.
The third scenario is a return to authoritarian rule. Messiness would generate a fragile economy and a breakdown in order. It would later promote the idea that a strong ruler was needed. Some media and politicians are already talking about “the good old times” under Suharto. But a return to authoritarian rule must have the backing of the military, as in Pakistan and Burma.
“An authoritarian government might be better able to take more forceful action against terrorist and radical networks,” Rabasa and Haseman write. But it will have legal and policy restrictions on the US’s interaction with Indonesia. It would therefore hamper meaningful cooperation on counterterrorism efforts.
The fourth scenario is radical Islamic influence or control. This is partially happening today where more than 30 Indonesian regencies have produced Shariah-based laws, including the diktat that women must wear headdresses. The Rand report says that under this scenario it is not realistic to expect Western engagement with the Indonesian military.
The fifth scenario is a radical decentralization. A much weaker Jakarta might accept wide-ranging autonomy initiatives that replicate the Acehnese and Papuan special privileges. For this to happen, Jakarta might finally only control defense, foreign affairs, fiscal policy and the core legal system. Such an Indonesian state is likely to be unstable as centrifugal pressures force it apart.
A loose federation would make it harder to achieve counterterrorism objectives. The Jakarta government might be powerless to control terrorist activities in the provinces. Some areas of Indonesia could end up like the lawless tribal areas of Pakistan on the Afghan border, where the Taliban moves freely.
The sixth and last scenario is Indonesia’s disintegration. Weak government and chaotic conditions would make the central government less relevant, and rich provinces would challenge their subordinate political and economic relationship with Jakarta.
Only months after the Rand report was published, two night clubs were blown up in Bali, killing 202 people and crippling Bali’s tourism industry. The victims were mostly young foreign tourists. Many Balinese working in the Kuta beach area were also killed. Hundreds more suffered horrific burns and other injuries.
The suspected culprit was Jemaah Islamiyah, an al-Qaida satellite group in Southeast Asia, led by Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Basyir. In his hometown Solo, several hours after the bombings, Basyir blamed the US and Israel for the attacks.
The vice president at that time, Hamzah Haz, who initially denied any terrorist activity in Indonesia and even visited some radical Islamist groups, suddenly found himself in a corner. The then president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, however, remained aloof. She ordered her chief security minister, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, to hunt down the bombers.
Dozens of militants were arrested. In 2003, a Bali court found some of them, alumni of the Afghan jihad campaign, guilty of planning and organizing the bombing. Three Islamists were sentenced to death. Several others were given jail terms. They claimed that they disliked “infidels” polluting Indonesia’s Islamic community. Basyir was additionally found guilty of producing fake identities.
Other bombings took place in Bali and Jakarta, including one outside the Australian embassy. The US had no option but to reinstate its military ties with Indonesia. Both the State and Defense departments in Washington petitioned to reinstate two agreements—the International Military and Education Training arrangement, known as IMET, and the Foreign Military Finance pact—as a demonstration of Washington’s gratitude for Indonesian assistance in the global war on terrorism.
The Bush administration and Republican allies in Congress said the previous policy of punishing Indonesia for human rights violations had not paid dividends; the hoped-for reform of the Indonesian military and security apparatus had not taken place.
In 2004, Yudhoyono ran for presidential office against his former boss, Megawati Sukarnoputri. Yudhoyono, a retired three-star general educated in the US, won Indonesia’s first direct presidential election and immediately lobbied Washington to fully restore military ties with his country.
In February 2005, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice declared that the Indonesian military had reformed itself sufficiently to merit the resumption of IMET status; in November, the restrictions on FMF and defense exports were lifted.
In Minahasa, northern Sulawesi, a small group of politicians declared a Free Minahasa Movement in September 2006, saying the Christian minorities in Indonesia, including Minahasa, were continually being discriminated against.
It is too early to predict which of the six scenarios laid out by Rabasa and Haseman—if any—will develop in Indonesia. The first and sixth scenarios are improbable in the short future. A combination of a messy state peppered with growing Islamist influence and sporadic decentralization drives is perhaps more likely.
The world is changing after September 11, 2001, and it is still not clear in which direction Indonesia is going.
Andreas Harsono is head of the Pantau media organization in Jakarta, and is writing a book, From Sabang to Merauke: Debunking the Myth of Indonesian Nationalism.
The Irrawaddy
Why the pursuit of enemies of the West strengthens the traditional hold on power of East Asia’s largest army?
The restoration by the US of full military ties with Indonesia, in the common interest of combating global terrorism, has been used by Jakarta’s generals to further their own domestic political interests as well as to hunt down Islamic extremists.
They divided Papua into two different provinces to weaken rising Papuan nationalism, even though the move was against Papua’s special autonomy law. The central government managed to persuade Indonesia’s Supreme Court to rule in favor of the division.
Jakarta also negotiated with Acheh nationalists to sign a peace agreement in Helsinki, a move widely applauded although Jakarta later betrayed the agreement by passing a contradictory Aceh bill. Furthermore, the Indonesian military has dragged its feet in handing over its business empire to the government.
This continued manipulation of power by the military, and the elected executive’s failure to reform it since the end of the Suharto dictatorship in 1998, follows one of six scenarios put forward for Indonesia’s future in a report by the Rand Corporation, a US think-tank, which is closely linked with the Pentagon. The report, published in 2002 as The Military and Democracy in Indonesia: Challenges, Politics, and Power, was written by two American military strategists, Angel Rabasa and John Haseman.
Rabasa is a senior policy analyst at Rand Corporation. Haseman is a retired colonel and former US defense attaché in Jakarta from 1978 to 1994. He once declared that Indonesia’s military “was, is, and will remain the most powerful and important political institution in Indonesia.” According to Haseman, the Indonesian military has three priorities: to maintain power, to protect its business empire and to maintain internal control of senior assignments.
Rabasa and Haseman argued that the US should engage the Indonesian military and restore the American military training and education program for Indonesian officers. These programs were initially cut off after Indonesian soldiers killed more than 200 protesters in Dili in November 1991. They were totally scrapped after Indonesian army-backed militias ransacked East Timor after it voted for independence in 1999.
The report also delved into what the authors called Indonesia’s six post-9/11 “scenarios.” The first, and best, scenario is a “consolidated democracy.” This would mean developing a secular state to improve its economic performance and to satisfy demands for autonomy, especially on the outer islands. But this scenario is the most difficult and the most unlikely.
Indonesia is a relatively young entity. Dutch colonialists were the first to unite this vast archipelago comprising more than 17,000 islands and stretching over six time zones. Its 220 million people speak more than 500 different languages and 88 percent of them are Muslim. It has a Christian majority in eastern areas.
Since the 1950s, Aceh in northern Sumatra has struggled to secede from Indonesia. Papua set up its own Free Papua Organization in 1965. Four million people have been killed in Indonesia over the last six decades as a result of “rebellion” in the pursuit of separatism.
Haseman said the Indonesian military’s concept of “reform” does not include any enthusiasm for accountability for past transgressions and can be expected to resist it.
The second scenario is defined as “muddling through,” in which Indonesia continues on a democratic path but fails to make progress on economic, political and military reform. “This scenario reflects the current situation in Indonesia,” say Haseman and Rabasa. “A weak Indonesian government would continue to find it difficult to take meaningful action against terrorists and radical Islam groups.”
New York Times columnist Thomas L Friedman calls Indonesia a messy state. Indonesia is too big to fail, but too messy to work. It has rampant corruption. Neither the military, the parliament, the executive, nor the remnants of the Suharto order, have the strength to assert their will. Terrorists love such conditions. “That’s why in messy states, you never quite know when arms are sold, people murdered or payoffs demanded, or whether this is by design of those ostensibly in charge or because no one is in charge,” writes Friedman.
The third scenario is a return to authoritarian rule. Messiness would generate a fragile economy and a breakdown in order. It would later promote the idea that a strong ruler was needed. Some media and politicians are already talking about “the good old times” under Suharto. But a return to authoritarian rule must have the backing of the military, as in Pakistan and Burma.
“An authoritarian government might be better able to take more forceful action against terrorist and radical networks,” Rabasa and Haseman write. But it will have legal and policy restrictions on the US’s interaction with Indonesia. It would therefore hamper meaningful cooperation on counterterrorism efforts.
The fourth scenario is radical Islamic influence or control. This is partially happening today where more than 30 Indonesian regencies have produced Shariah-based laws, including the diktat that women must wear headdresses. The Rand report says that under this scenario it is not realistic to expect Western engagement with the Indonesian military.
The fifth scenario is a radical decentralization. A much weaker Jakarta might accept wide-ranging autonomy initiatives that replicate the Acehnese and Papuan special privileges. For this to happen, Jakarta might finally only control defense, foreign affairs, fiscal policy and the core legal system. Such an Indonesian state is likely to be unstable as centrifugal pressures force it apart.
A loose federation would make it harder to achieve counterterrorism objectives. The Jakarta government might be powerless to control terrorist activities in the provinces. Some areas of Indonesia could end up like the lawless tribal areas of Pakistan on the Afghan border, where the Taliban moves freely.
The sixth and last scenario is Indonesia’s disintegration. Weak government and chaotic conditions would make the central government less relevant, and rich provinces would challenge their subordinate political and economic relationship with Jakarta.
Only months after the Rand report was published, two night clubs were blown up in Bali, killing 202 people and crippling Bali’s tourism industry. The victims were mostly young foreign tourists. Many Balinese working in the Kuta beach area were also killed. Hundreds more suffered horrific burns and other injuries.
The suspected culprit was Jemaah Islamiyah, an al-Qaida satellite group in Southeast Asia, led by Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Basyir. In his hometown Solo, several hours after the bombings, Basyir blamed the US and Israel for the attacks.
The vice president at that time, Hamzah Haz, who initially denied any terrorist activity in Indonesia and even visited some radical Islamist groups, suddenly found himself in a corner. The then president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, however, remained aloof. She ordered her chief security minister, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, to hunt down the bombers.
Dozens of militants were arrested. In 2003, a Bali court found some of them, alumni of the Afghan jihad campaign, guilty of planning and organizing the bombing. Three Islamists were sentenced to death. Several others were given jail terms. They claimed that they disliked “infidels” polluting Indonesia’s Islamic community. Basyir was additionally found guilty of producing fake identities.
Other bombings took place in Bali and Jakarta, including one outside the Australian embassy. The US had no option but to reinstate its military ties with Indonesia. Both the State and Defense departments in Washington petitioned to reinstate two agreements—the International Military and Education Training arrangement, known as IMET, and the Foreign Military Finance pact—as a demonstration of Washington’s gratitude for Indonesian assistance in the global war on terrorism.
The Bush administration and Republican allies in Congress said the previous policy of punishing Indonesia for human rights violations had not paid dividends; the hoped-for reform of the Indonesian military and security apparatus had not taken place.
In 2004, Yudhoyono ran for presidential office against his former boss, Megawati Sukarnoputri. Yudhoyono, a retired three-star general educated in the US, won Indonesia’s first direct presidential election and immediately lobbied Washington to fully restore military ties with his country.
In February 2005, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice declared that the Indonesian military had reformed itself sufficiently to merit the resumption of IMET status; in November, the restrictions on FMF and defense exports were lifted.
In Minahasa, northern Sulawesi, a small group of politicians declared a Free Minahasa Movement in September 2006, saying the Christian minorities in Indonesia, including Minahasa, were continually being discriminated against.
It is too early to predict which of the six scenarios laid out by Rabasa and Haseman—if any—will develop in Indonesia. The first and sixth scenarios are improbable in the short future. A combination of a messy state peppered with growing Islamist influence and sporadic decentralization drives is perhaps more likely.
The world is changing after September 11, 2001, and it is still not clear in which direction Indonesia is going.
Andreas Harsono is head of the Pantau media organization in Jakarta, and is writing a book, From Sabang to Merauke: Debunking the Myth of Indonesian Nationalism.
Tuesday, November 07, 2006
Wamang gets life in prison
Indonesian who planned killings of 2 American teachers gets life in prison
IRWAN FIRDAUS
Associated Press Writer
JAKARTA, Indonesia (AP) - A separatist rebel who killed two American teachers at a U.S.-owned gold mine in Indonesia's easternmost province of Papua was sentenced to life in prison Tuesday and his accomplices up to seven years, a judge said.
The defendants _ all indigenous Papuans _ have repeatedly called their trial a sham and walked out in protest hours before the verdicts were read.
Prosecutors claimed the men were all members of a small rebel army fighting for a separate state in the resource-rich province.
They were accused of launching a 30-minute assault on a convoy heading toward a mine owned by Freeport-McMoRan Copper and Gold Mine Inc. that killed Rick Spier, 44, of Littleton, Colorado, Ted Burgon, 71, of Sun River, Oregon, and an Indonesian teacher.
Eight other Americans, including a 6-year-old girl, were seriously wounded in the Aug. 31, 2002 attack that initially complicated ties between Washington and Jakarta.
Judge Andriani Nurdin said the ringleader, Antonius Wamang, 31, deserved life behind bars, even though prosecutors demanded only 20 years.
``This was premeditated murder. It was a gross violation of human rights,'' she told the Central Jakarta District Court, later sentencing two other men to seven years for taking part in the ambush and four others to 18 months for providing logistical support.
The defendants have remained silent throughout their five-month trial, refusing to make a defense plea and regularly walking out of the courtroom, saying the judges were biased against them.
Their lawyer, Johnson Panjaitan, claimed Tuesday that he had not been allowed to meet with his clients for more than a month, but court officials could not immediately confirm that.
``Can you imagine that a client cannot communicate with his lawyer?'' he asked.
But Spier's widow, Patsy, who suffered two gunshot wounds in the attack, hailed the ruling, saying she was ``firmly convinced Wamang and the other defendants are guilty of this horrific and cowardly act of terrorism.''
``Wamang even admitted his role in the killings,'' she said in an e-mail to reporters.
Wamang _ indicted by a U.S. grand jury in 2004 for the murders _ has acknowledged being a Papuan separatist and said he shot at the convoy because he thought it was carrying soldiers.
But the other men maintain they were innocent civilians.
``We had nothing to do with these shootings,'' said Ishak Onawame, 54, before the verdicts were read out. ``Our trial has been manipulated for the interests of two countries, Indonesia and the United States.''
Dozens of Papuan student protesters gathered outside, chanting ``Release them! Release them!''
Indonesian security forces guarding the mine were initially suspected of taking part in the killings to extort higher protection payments from the New Orleans-based company.
Washington made Indonesian cooperation with the FBI probe into the killings a condition of restoring military ties with Jakarta last year that had been frozen since 1999 due to human rights concerns.
Many in Washington were keen to re-engage with the military, which they see as vital in the country's fight against terrorism.
Indonesian journalist Andreas Harsono and U.S. researcher Eben Kirksey said, however, following a two-year investigation into the attack, that the military's role could not be discounted.
``The attack took place less than a kilometer from a military checkpoint, but it took soldiers more than an hour to respond,'' Harsono said, adding while prosecutors claimed the separatists had just three weapons ``nearly 300 bullets were found in five cars attacked.''
IRWAN FIRDAUS
Associated Press Writer
JAKARTA, Indonesia (AP) - A separatist rebel who killed two American teachers at a U.S.-owned gold mine in Indonesia's easternmost province of Papua was sentenced to life in prison Tuesday and his accomplices up to seven years, a judge said.
The defendants _ all indigenous Papuans _ have repeatedly called their trial a sham and walked out in protest hours before the verdicts were read.
Prosecutors claimed the men were all members of a small rebel army fighting for a separate state in the resource-rich province.
They were accused of launching a 30-minute assault on a convoy heading toward a mine owned by Freeport-McMoRan Copper and Gold Mine Inc. that killed Rick Spier, 44, of Littleton, Colorado, Ted Burgon, 71, of Sun River, Oregon, and an Indonesian teacher.
Eight other Americans, including a 6-year-old girl, were seriously wounded in the Aug. 31, 2002 attack that initially complicated ties between Washington and Jakarta.
Judge Andriani Nurdin said the ringleader, Antonius Wamang, 31, deserved life behind bars, even though prosecutors demanded only 20 years.
``This was premeditated murder. It was a gross violation of human rights,'' she told the Central Jakarta District Court, later sentencing two other men to seven years for taking part in the ambush and four others to 18 months for providing logistical support.
The defendants have remained silent throughout their five-month trial, refusing to make a defense plea and regularly walking out of the courtroom, saying the judges were biased against them.
Their lawyer, Johnson Panjaitan, claimed Tuesday that he had not been allowed to meet with his clients for more than a month, but court officials could not immediately confirm that.
``Can you imagine that a client cannot communicate with his lawyer?'' he asked.
But Spier's widow, Patsy, who suffered two gunshot wounds in the attack, hailed the ruling, saying she was ``firmly convinced Wamang and the other defendants are guilty of this horrific and cowardly act of terrorism.''
``Wamang even admitted his role in the killings,'' she said in an e-mail to reporters.
Wamang _ indicted by a U.S. grand jury in 2004 for the murders _ has acknowledged being a Papuan separatist and said he shot at the convoy because he thought it was carrying soldiers.
But the other men maintain they were innocent civilians.
``We had nothing to do with these shootings,'' said Ishak Onawame, 54, before the verdicts were read out. ``Our trial has been manipulated for the interests of two countries, Indonesia and the United States.''
Dozens of Papuan student protesters gathered outside, chanting ``Release them! Release them!''
Indonesian security forces guarding the mine were initially suspected of taking part in the killings to extort higher protection payments from the New Orleans-based company.
Washington made Indonesian cooperation with the FBI probe into the killings a condition of restoring military ties with Jakarta last year that had been frozen since 1999 due to human rights concerns.
Many in Washington were keen to re-engage with the military, which they see as vital in the country's fight against terrorism.
Indonesian journalist Andreas Harsono and U.S. researcher Eben Kirksey said, however, following a two-year investigation into the attack, that the military's role could not be discounted.
``The attack took place less than a kilometer from a military checkpoint, but it took soldiers more than an hour to respond,'' Harsono said, adding while prosecutors claimed the separatists had just three weapons ``nearly 300 bullets were found in five cars attacked.''
Murder at Mile 63 - A Trip to the Big City
Part One of Three Series
By S. Eben Kirksey and Andreas Harsono
The U.S. Congress blocked moves to restore military aid to Indonesian following reports of its military’s involvement in the 2002 murder of American school teachers in Timika. The blocade was released after the indictment of Antonius Wamang by the Department of Justice. In May 2006 the Bush Administration announced a new Pentagon program that will provide up to $19 million to supplement existing programs for building Indonesian military capacity. Questions remain about whether Wamang acted alone. Where did Wamang obtain bullets? Did Indonesian military agents have prior knowledge of the attack? Why did the Indonesian military sue reporters, doctor the crime scene, intimidate witnesses, and conduct a sham reconstruction?
This report is based on internal police documents, court records, eyewitness accounts, and exclusive interviews with Wamang. A verdict in the trial of Wamang and six alleged co-conspirators is expected today. The key points of evidence presented in the trial are equivocal. The Indonesian government has rejected an international role in helping bring the murderers of human rights campaigner Munir Thalib to justice. But Indonesia has partnered with the Bush Administration to prosecute some of the alleged murderers at Mile 63. The case was tried by a court that did not follow the rigorous standards of evidence upheld in US court rooms. “Murder at Mile 63” will be released as a three part series: 1) A Trip to the Big City; 2) The Ambush; and 3) The Cover-Up.
When Antonius Wamang boarded a Garuda jet in September 2001 at Timika’s Moses Kilangin airport in Papua, his heart was pounding—he was on a mission to get weapons and ammunition in Jakarta. Born in the remote highland village of Beoga in 1972, Wamang was a young boy when Indonesian Brigadier General Imam Munandar launched Operation Eliminate (Operasi Kikis) in the highlands of Papua. Anti-personnel Daisy Cluster bombs, mortars and machine-guns were used against Papuan villagers who were armed with bows and arrows. Nearly 30 years later, Wamang found what he thought was an opportunity to buy arms and to fight back against the Indonesian military.
Wamang flew to Jakarta alone and was met at Cengkareng airport by Agus Anggaibak, a sandalwood (kayu gaharu) dealer with close ties to the Indonesian military. According to Janes Natkime, a Beoga native who knows Wamang since elementary school and currently heads the Warsi Foundation in Timika, “Agus Anggaibak set up everything, he lobbied the officers and arranged the money”. Anggaibak, Natkime and Wamang are members of the Amungme tribe, a relatively small group where almost everyone knows everyone else.
Anggaibak had earlier visited Wamang’s group in their jungle hideout, encouraging them to raise money to buy guns. He brought a rifle with him. Anggaibak showed off this weapon in Wamang’s camp: “MODEL P88-9, Col 9 mmp AK, Made in Germany.” On 11 January 2006 FBI agents detained “Agus Anggaibak”—a 15-year-old teenager whose real name is Johni Kacamol—and handed him over to Indonesian authorities. The real Agus Anggaibak remains free. In fact, after the 2002 ambush, he become a member of the Timika district parliament as a representative of the Golkar party. Johni Kacamol is in a Jakarta prison.
The real Anggaibak promised to help Wamang obtain weapons like the one he was carrying, as well as other guns, from arms dealers in Jakarta. Like all groups in West Papua’s TPN (Tentara Pembebasan Nasional, National Liberation Army)—a group without a clear hierarchical command structure founded in 1971—Wamang’s group was poorly armed. Janes Natkime commented, “Papua also wants to be independent. But we have no weapons. We have no (arms) industry. We are not skilled at making arms. All weapons belong to the NKRI.” NKRI stands for Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia or the Unitary State of the Indonesian Republic. It is a name frequently used by Indonesia’s nationalists to emphasize Indonesia’s territorial sovereignty.
Antonius Wamang’s group, according to the prosecutor’s indictment and several witnesses, only had three aging weapons: an SS1, an M16, and a bolt-action Mauser. Following several weeks of intensive gold panning, and sandalwood collecting, Wamang’s group raised money to purchase guns. Anggaibak departed for Jakarta, with an advance payment from Wamang, where he began working on securing a deal. Wamang later flew to meet Anggaibak. He brought sacks of sandalwood worth more than 500 million Rupiah. On the international market sandalwood fetches even higher prices. This rare wood is used to make incense and perfume.
Initially Anggaibak and Wamang stayed in Mess Perwira Polri—a police guest house in Jakarta. A kayu gaharu middleman from Makassar named Mochtar introduced Anggaibak and Wamang to some Indonesian army and police officers. Well aware of how to exploit internal conflicts within the Indonesian security forces—conflicts that had resulted in a April 1996 shooting match between different branches of the military in the Timika airport —Wamang hoped to secure weapons from one faction in hopes of attacking another faction.
Sergeant Puji, a police officer, befriended Wamang while he was staying at the guest house. Sergeant Puji took Wamang and Anggaibak on trips around Jakarta. They toured around while Puji asked them about the activities of Papuan guerillas in the Timika area. Puji said that he wanted to help the movement: he presented Wamang with a gift of six magazines of bullets (a total of 180 bullets) that could be used in Wamang’s M16 or SS1 rifles. Sergeant Puji also gave Wamang bullets for his Mauser. One night in the guest house, Sergeant Puji showed Wamang fifteen M-16 rifles. Wamang says he paid 250 million Rupiah for these guns and Sergeant Puji held on to them for safe keeping.
Later Wamang moved to Hotel Djody at Jalan Jaksa 35, a backpacker hostel in downtown Jakarta. He probably checked in using a false name. “Mochtar was a regular guest here. Maybe, yes, Wamang also stayed here but he used another name,” said Herry Blaponte, the hotel’s front office staff. Blaponte said Mochtar had regularly made sandalwood business deals with his Papuan guests. Hotel staff remember Mochtar as having a stocky build and being a “dandy”—their memories of him are not fond, however, since he left without paying his bill. Blaponte and hotel security staff Mahmud Trikasno told Indonesian chief detective Dzainal Syarief that they did not remember Wamang’s stay at their hotel. “I don’t remember his face,” said Trikasno. Four cleaning service staff also did not recognize Wamang’s picture.
One afternoon at Hotel Djody, according to Wamang, a stranger approached him and Anggaibak. “I hear you are looking to buy guns”, Wamang quoted the stranger as saying. Eventually Anggaibak admitted that they were. The stranger—Captain Hardi Heidi—said that he was an Indonesia soldier from Surabaya, Indonesia’s second largest city in eastern Java. Eventually Wamang paid for four additional guns from Hardi Heidi: two AKs and two M-16s. As with Sergeant Puji, Wamang arranged for Hardi Heidi to keep the weapons for safe keeping until he was ready to depart for Timika.
Hardi Heidi introduced Anggaibak and Wamang to Sugiono, an active duty Kopassus officer who pledged to help transport the weapons to Timika. They all traveled to different cities in Java together—to Bandung, Yogyakarta, and Surabaya. Sugiono and Hardi Heidi had interests similar to Sergeant Puji’s—they wanted to hear about TPN activities around Timika.
On September 21, Wamang visited 40 Amungme and Kamoro tribal leaders, who had just returned from negotiations with Freeport McMoran at its New Orleans head office. They were making a stop in Jakarta and stayed at Hotel Mega Matra. Excited to see many fellow Amungme, Wamang visited the hotel a number of times. The tribal leaders were negotiating a profit sharing deal with Freeport’s management. “We left America one day before 9/11,” said delegate Eltinus Omaleng, adding that he knew the attack when checking in into his Hong Kong hotel.
Wamang asked many of the delegates for money. He bragged about how he had secured a shipload of weapons that were ready to be shipped to Papua. Janes Natkime gave Wamang 1.5 million Rupiah, “Five days later he came back to the hotel, saying that the ship had been rerouted to Aceh.”
Wamang said that he had paid Sugiono nearly 50 million Rupiah to ship the guns to Timika. After a chartered boat was loaded with the weapons, Wamang claims that Sugiono and Hardi Heidi gave him the slip. The ship motored away with Wamang standing alone on the dock. Just prior to the boat’s departure, Wamang says that he overheard a conversation between Hardi Heidi and his wife. Wamang quotes the wife as saying: “We should sell these in Aceh.”
After calling associates back in Timika for more money, Wamang traveled alone back to Timika on the Kelimutu passenger ship. Wamang arrived in Timika with only the bullets that Sergeant Puji had given him. His extensive contacts with Sergeant Puji, with Sugiono, with Hardi Heidi, and with Mochtar had given him moments of hope. But ultimately his mission to obtain guns had failed. Instead, Wamang gave agents of the Indonesian security forces almost 12 months advance notice that a TPN attack was being planned in Timika.
The Washington Post reported that senior Indonesian military officers, including then commander-in-chief Endriartono Sutarto, “discussed an operation against Freeport before an ambush near its mine in Papua”. Did Indonesian military agents use their advanced knowledge of Anton Wamang’s plans to guide his attack? Citing a United States government official, and other sources who had knowledge of U.S. intelligence reports, The Washington Post reported that the Indonesian military may have staged the attack with the aim of “discrediting a Papuan separatist group”.
The Indonesian military subsequently sued The Washington Post for libel. Jakarta newspapers reporting on Indonesian military involvement in the attack were also sued: Koran Tempo and Suara Karya. The Washington Post settled out of court in February 2003. Leaked reports on the FBI investigation’s findings later confirmed intelligence reports. “It’s no longer a question of who did it,” a senior U.S. official told AP in March 2004. “It’s only a question of how high up this went within the chain of command,” said the official. The U.S. Embassy later issued a formal denial that the FBI found evidence of Indonesian military involvement.
In the time leading up to the ambush in August 2002, there were regular contacts between Wamang’s group and local Indonesian military agents. Are all the weapons used in the attack accounted for? Were there other shooters at the scene of the crime? ***
S. Eben Kirksey has conducted over 17 months of anthropological research in Papua during six separate trips (1998-2005). He earned a M.Phil. from the University of Oxford and is completing his Ph.D. at UC Santa Cruz. Currently he is a Visiting Professor at Deep Springs College, California.
Andreas Harsono is a journalist working for the Pantau media organization in Jakarta. He currently writes a political travelogue, “From Sabang to Merauke: Debunking the Myth of Indonesian Nationalism.” He received the Nieman Fellowship on Journalism from Harvard University in 1999.
By S. Eben Kirksey and Andreas Harsono
The U.S. Congress blocked moves to restore military aid to Indonesian following reports of its military’s involvement in the 2002 murder of American school teachers in Timika. The blocade was released after the indictment of Antonius Wamang by the Department of Justice. In May 2006 the Bush Administration announced a new Pentagon program that will provide up to $19 million to supplement existing programs for building Indonesian military capacity. Questions remain about whether Wamang acted alone. Where did Wamang obtain bullets? Did Indonesian military agents have prior knowledge of the attack? Why did the Indonesian military sue reporters, doctor the crime scene, intimidate witnesses, and conduct a sham reconstruction?
This report is based on internal police documents, court records, eyewitness accounts, and exclusive interviews with Wamang. A verdict in the trial of Wamang and six alleged co-conspirators is expected today. The key points of evidence presented in the trial are equivocal. The Indonesian government has rejected an international role in helping bring the murderers of human rights campaigner Munir Thalib to justice. But Indonesia has partnered with the Bush Administration to prosecute some of the alleged murderers at Mile 63. The case was tried by a court that did not follow the rigorous standards of evidence upheld in US court rooms. “Murder at Mile 63” will be released as a three part series: 1) A Trip to the Big City; 2) The Ambush; and 3) The Cover-Up.
When Antonius Wamang boarded a Garuda jet in September 2001 at Timika’s Moses Kilangin airport in Papua, his heart was pounding—he was on a mission to get weapons and ammunition in Jakarta. Born in the remote highland village of Beoga in 1972, Wamang was a young boy when Indonesian Brigadier General Imam Munandar launched Operation Eliminate (Operasi Kikis) in the highlands of Papua. Anti-personnel Daisy Cluster bombs, mortars and machine-guns were used against Papuan villagers who were armed with bows and arrows. Nearly 30 years later, Wamang found what he thought was an opportunity to buy arms and to fight back against the Indonesian military.
Wamang flew to Jakarta alone and was met at Cengkareng airport by Agus Anggaibak, a sandalwood (kayu gaharu) dealer with close ties to the Indonesian military. According to Janes Natkime, a Beoga native who knows Wamang since elementary school and currently heads the Warsi Foundation in Timika, “Agus Anggaibak set up everything, he lobbied the officers and arranged the money”. Anggaibak, Natkime and Wamang are members of the Amungme tribe, a relatively small group where almost everyone knows everyone else.
Anggaibak had earlier visited Wamang’s group in their jungle hideout, encouraging them to raise money to buy guns. He brought a rifle with him. Anggaibak showed off this weapon in Wamang’s camp: “MODEL P88-9, Col 9 mmp AK, Made in Germany.” On 11 January 2006 FBI agents detained “Agus Anggaibak”—a 15-year-old teenager whose real name is Johni Kacamol—and handed him over to Indonesian authorities. The real Agus Anggaibak remains free. In fact, after the 2002 ambush, he become a member of the Timika district parliament as a representative of the Golkar party. Johni Kacamol is in a Jakarta prison.
The real Anggaibak promised to help Wamang obtain weapons like the one he was carrying, as well as other guns, from arms dealers in Jakarta. Like all groups in West Papua’s TPN (Tentara Pembebasan Nasional, National Liberation Army)—a group without a clear hierarchical command structure founded in 1971—Wamang’s group was poorly armed. Janes Natkime commented, “Papua also wants to be independent. But we have no weapons. We have no (arms) industry. We are not skilled at making arms. All weapons belong to the NKRI.” NKRI stands for Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia or the Unitary State of the Indonesian Republic. It is a name frequently used by Indonesia’s nationalists to emphasize Indonesia’s territorial sovereignty.
Antonius Wamang’s group, according to the prosecutor’s indictment and several witnesses, only had three aging weapons: an SS1, an M16, and a bolt-action Mauser. Following several weeks of intensive gold panning, and sandalwood collecting, Wamang’s group raised money to purchase guns. Anggaibak departed for Jakarta, with an advance payment from Wamang, where he began working on securing a deal. Wamang later flew to meet Anggaibak. He brought sacks of sandalwood worth more than 500 million Rupiah. On the international market sandalwood fetches even higher prices. This rare wood is used to make incense and perfume.
Initially Anggaibak and Wamang stayed in Mess Perwira Polri—a police guest house in Jakarta. A kayu gaharu middleman from Makassar named Mochtar introduced Anggaibak and Wamang to some Indonesian army and police officers. Well aware of how to exploit internal conflicts within the Indonesian security forces—conflicts that had resulted in a April 1996 shooting match between different branches of the military in the Timika airport —Wamang hoped to secure weapons from one faction in hopes of attacking another faction.
Sergeant Puji, a police officer, befriended Wamang while he was staying at the guest house. Sergeant Puji took Wamang and Anggaibak on trips around Jakarta. They toured around while Puji asked them about the activities of Papuan guerillas in the Timika area. Puji said that he wanted to help the movement: he presented Wamang with a gift of six magazines of bullets (a total of 180 bullets) that could be used in Wamang’s M16 or SS1 rifles. Sergeant Puji also gave Wamang bullets for his Mauser. One night in the guest house, Sergeant Puji showed Wamang fifteen M-16 rifles. Wamang says he paid 250 million Rupiah for these guns and Sergeant Puji held on to them for safe keeping.
Later Wamang moved to Hotel Djody at Jalan Jaksa 35, a backpacker hostel in downtown Jakarta. He probably checked in using a false name. “Mochtar was a regular guest here. Maybe, yes, Wamang also stayed here but he used another name,” said Herry Blaponte, the hotel’s front office staff. Blaponte said Mochtar had regularly made sandalwood business deals with his Papuan guests. Hotel staff remember Mochtar as having a stocky build and being a “dandy”—their memories of him are not fond, however, since he left without paying his bill. Blaponte and hotel security staff Mahmud Trikasno told Indonesian chief detective Dzainal Syarief that they did not remember Wamang’s stay at their hotel. “I don’t remember his face,” said Trikasno. Four cleaning service staff also did not recognize Wamang’s picture.
One afternoon at Hotel Djody, according to Wamang, a stranger approached him and Anggaibak. “I hear you are looking to buy guns”, Wamang quoted the stranger as saying. Eventually Anggaibak admitted that they were. The stranger—Captain Hardi Heidi—said that he was an Indonesia soldier from Surabaya, Indonesia’s second largest city in eastern Java. Eventually Wamang paid for four additional guns from Hardi Heidi: two AKs and two M-16s. As with Sergeant Puji, Wamang arranged for Hardi Heidi to keep the weapons for safe keeping until he was ready to depart for Timika.
Hardi Heidi introduced Anggaibak and Wamang to Sugiono, an active duty Kopassus officer who pledged to help transport the weapons to Timika. They all traveled to different cities in Java together—to Bandung, Yogyakarta, and Surabaya. Sugiono and Hardi Heidi had interests similar to Sergeant Puji’s—they wanted to hear about TPN activities around Timika.
On September 21, Wamang visited 40 Amungme and Kamoro tribal leaders, who had just returned from negotiations with Freeport McMoran at its New Orleans head office. They were making a stop in Jakarta and stayed at Hotel Mega Matra. Excited to see many fellow Amungme, Wamang visited the hotel a number of times. The tribal leaders were negotiating a profit sharing deal with Freeport’s management. “We left America one day before 9/11,” said delegate Eltinus Omaleng, adding that he knew the attack when checking in into his Hong Kong hotel.
Wamang asked many of the delegates for money. He bragged about how he had secured a shipload of weapons that were ready to be shipped to Papua. Janes Natkime gave Wamang 1.5 million Rupiah, “Five days later he came back to the hotel, saying that the ship had been rerouted to Aceh.”
Wamang said that he had paid Sugiono nearly 50 million Rupiah to ship the guns to Timika. After a chartered boat was loaded with the weapons, Wamang claims that Sugiono and Hardi Heidi gave him the slip. The ship motored away with Wamang standing alone on the dock. Just prior to the boat’s departure, Wamang says that he overheard a conversation between Hardi Heidi and his wife. Wamang quotes the wife as saying: “We should sell these in Aceh.”
After calling associates back in Timika for more money, Wamang traveled alone back to Timika on the Kelimutu passenger ship. Wamang arrived in Timika with only the bullets that Sergeant Puji had given him. His extensive contacts with Sergeant Puji, with Sugiono, with Hardi Heidi, and with Mochtar had given him moments of hope. But ultimately his mission to obtain guns had failed. Instead, Wamang gave agents of the Indonesian security forces almost 12 months advance notice that a TPN attack was being planned in Timika.
The Washington Post reported that senior Indonesian military officers, including then commander-in-chief Endriartono Sutarto, “discussed an operation against Freeport before an ambush near its mine in Papua”. Did Indonesian military agents use their advanced knowledge of Anton Wamang’s plans to guide his attack? Citing a United States government official, and other sources who had knowledge of U.S. intelligence reports, The Washington Post reported that the Indonesian military may have staged the attack with the aim of “discrediting a Papuan separatist group”.
The Indonesian military subsequently sued The Washington Post for libel. Jakarta newspapers reporting on Indonesian military involvement in the attack were also sued: Koran Tempo and Suara Karya. The Washington Post settled out of court in February 2003. Leaked reports on the FBI investigation’s findings later confirmed intelligence reports. “It’s no longer a question of who did it,” a senior U.S. official told AP in March 2004. “It’s only a question of how high up this went within the chain of command,” said the official. The U.S. Embassy later issued a formal denial that the FBI found evidence of Indonesian military involvement.
In the time leading up to the ambush in August 2002, there were regular contacts between Wamang’s group and local Indonesian military agents. Are all the weapons used in the attack accounted for? Were there other shooters at the scene of the crime? ***
S. Eben Kirksey has conducted over 17 months of anthropological research in Papua during six separate trips (1998-2005). He earned a M.Phil. from the University of Oxford and is completing his Ph.D. at UC Santa Cruz. Currently he is a Visiting Professor at Deep Springs College, California.
Andreas Harsono is a journalist working for the Pantau media organization in Jakarta. He currently writes a political travelogue, “From Sabang to Merauke: Debunking the Myth of Indonesian Nationalism.” He received the Nieman Fellowship on Journalism from Harvard University in 1999.
Friday, November 03, 2006
Lima Redaktur Equator Non Aktif
Pontianak, 28/10 (ANTARA) - Lima wartawan yang menjabat sebagai redaktur pelaksana (Redpel) dan redaktur daerah di Harian Equator, Pontianak, Kalimantan Barat, dinonaktifkan sekaligus dipecat dari pekerjaan mereka menyusul adanya Mosi Tidak Percaya atas kepemimpinan Pemimpin Redaksi, Djunaini KS.
Pemecatan dilakukan secara lisan oleh Djunaini KS, Jumat malam, sekitar pukul 20.15 WIB, saat seluruh karyawan bagian redaksi sedang menyelesaikan penulisan berita menjelang deadline, demikian informasi yang diterima ANTARA Pontianak, Sabtu.
Kelima wartawan tersebut, Nur Iskandar (Redaktur Pelaksana), Asriadi Alexander (Redaktur Kapuas, Sanggau, dan Sastra), Tanto Yakobus (Redaktur Sintang), DR Yusriadi (Redaktur Kalbar Raya) dan Khairul Mikrad (Redaktur Olahraga).
Pemberhentian mereka menyusul adanya Mosi Tidak Percaya sebanyak 32 orang karyawan harian dari grup Jawa Pos (Pontianak Post Grup) pada 5 Oktober, mengenai tuntutan pemberhentian Djunaini KS sebagai Pemimpin Redaksi, Pemimpin Perusahaan, sekaligus Direktur Utama PT Kapuas Media Utama Press.
Namun saat dikonfirmasi ANTARA, Pemimpin Redaksi Harian Equator, Djunaini KS menyatakan tidak memecat kelima orang tersebut, melainkan memberikan penyadaran kepada mereka.
Sebelumnya, sebanyak 32 karyawan dari bagian redaksi, pemasaran, iklan dan pracetak, mengajukan mosi tidak percaya terhadap kepemimpinan Djunaini KS karena berbagai alasan.
Tuntutan atau mosi tersebut, disampaikan kepada unsur pimpinan dalam lingkup Jawa Pos Grup. Selain menuntut mundur, mosi yang dibuat berdasarkan kesepakatan hampir seluruh karyawan itu, mengungkapkan 5 kronologis kejadian.
Mosi juga menyebutkan memberikan waktu hingga 7 Nopember kepada pimpinan dalam lingkup Jawa Pos Grup untuk mengganti Djunaini KS.
Adapun alasan keinginan penggantian itu, karena Djunaini KS dinilai telah memasung independensi pers di Harian Equator untuk kepentingan pribadi dan kroni, tidak menjalankan fungsi manajemen, karyawan telah didoktrin tidak boleh memiliki loyalitas ganda tetapi ia sendiri melakukannya, anak perusahaan yang dipimpin oleh kedua putra Djunaini KS telah mengintervensi iklan, pemasaran, keuangan, dan redaksi harian Equator yang juga diback-up Djunaini KS. Akibat intervensi dan tingginya kepentingan pribadi dibanding idealisme pers dan bisnis pers, perusahaan menjadi stagnan dan penjualan cenderung terus turun.
Selain itu, Djunaini KS juga telah melakukan perbuatan tidak menyenangkan seperti menampar pipi dan pelecehan dengan kata-kata dalam bekerja, dan tidak menyetujui program redaksi untuk laporan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah 2007 yang diorientasikan bagi pertumbuhan dan perkembangan harian Equator.
Jika tuntutan tersebut tidak dipenuhi, maka para wartawan dan karyawan harian bermotto "Koran Reformasi Pertama di Kalbar" itu, akan menggalang aksi mogok kerja.
Namun dalam perkembangannya, Pemimpin Redaksi, Djunaini KS justru memberhentikan kelima orang itu dan mengangkat sejumlah wartawan yang semula ditempatkan di biro (kabupaten) sebagai redaktur.
Asriadi Alexander, salah satu yang diberhentikan mengatakan saat meminta ia meninggalkan kantor harian itu, Djunaini KS melontarkan kata-kata kasar sambil menyebutkan nama-nama redaktur yang mesti meninggalkan kantor tersebut.
"Kami akhirnya keluar meninggalkan kantor.
Sementara ini, beberapa teman yang sesungguhnya juga mendukung mosi tidak percaya sedang menentukan sikap
mereka," kata Alek.
Kelima orang yang diberhentikan itu menyatakan akan terus berjuang meski saat ini mendapat sandungan, karena Djunaini KS sendiri telah mengangkat sejumlah orang yang dinilai loyal kepada dirinya untuk menggantikan posisi redaktur yang kosong setelah ditinggalkan mereka.
Masalah internal
Sementara itu, saat dikonfirmasi ANTARA, Redaktur Pelaksana (baru) R Rido Ibnu Syahrie, ia tidak mau menjawab. Ia menyatakan lebih baik bertanya langsung kepada pucuk pimpinan. "Tanyakan langsung saja kepada 'top leader'," katanya.
Namun ketika dimintai waktu untuk berbicara dengan Djunaini KS, mantan Redaktur Daerah Sambas itu menyatakan Djunaini KS baru dapat diwawancarai beberapa jam lagi.
"Ini masalah internal. Itu merupakan kebijakan di harian Equator," kata Rido, dan menyatakan sedang mengerjakan halaman koran, sehingga tidak dapat berlama-lama menanggapi pertanyaan.
Begitu pula ketika pucuk pimpinan itu dihubungi via telepon, Djunaini KS, berusaha menolak menjawab pertanyaan. Ia menyatakan, yang sedang terjadi di harian Equator merupakan persoalan internal. Tetapi Djunaini mengaku telah menerima dan membaca mosi yang dibuat 32 karyawan harian itu.
Saat ditanya mengenai adanya satu poin (pertama) dalam Mosi Tidak Percaya bahwa ia telah "memasung independensi pers" di Harian Equator, Djunaini KS menyatakan "apa saya seperti itu?, tanyakan saja kepada mereka."
Djunaini juga menolak jika disebut telah memecat lima wartawan, melainkan hanya memberikan penyadaran kepada mereka. "Saya tidak memecat mereka, hanya memberikan penyadaran. Sudah ya," katanya sambil memutus pembicaraan via telepon itu.
Pemecatan dilakukan secara lisan oleh Djunaini KS, Jumat malam, sekitar pukul 20.15 WIB, saat seluruh karyawan bagian redaksi sedang menyelesaikan penulisan berita menjelang deadline, demikian informasi yang diterima ANTARA Pontianak, Sabtu.
Kelima wartawan tersebut, Nur Iskandar (Redaktur Pelaksana), Asriadi Alexander (Redaktur Kapuas, Sanggau, dan Sastra), Tanto Yakobus (Redaktur Sintang), DR Yusriadi (Redaktur Kalbar Raya) dan Khairul Mikrad (Redaktur Olahraga).
Pemberhentian mereka menyusul adanya Mosi Tidak Percaya sebanyak 32 orang karyawan harian dari grup Jawa Pos (Pontianak Post Grup) pada 5 Oktober, mengenai tuntutan pemberhentian Djunaini KS sebagai Pemimpin Redaksi, Pemimpin Perusahaan, sekaligus Direktur Utama PT Kapuas Media Utama Press.
Namun saat dikonfirmasi ANTARA, Pemimpin Redaksi Harian Equator, Djunaini KS menyatakan tidak memecat kelima orang tersebut, melainkan memberikan penyadaran kepada mereka.
Sebelumnya, sebanyak 32 karyawan dari bagian redaksi, pemasaran, iklan dan pracetak, mengajukan mosi tidak percaya terhadap kepemimpinan Djunaini KS karena berbagai alasan.
Tuntutan atau mosi tersebut, disampaikan kepada unsur pimpinan dalam lingkup Jawa Pos Grup. Selain menuntut mundur, mosi yang dibuat berdasarkan kesepakatan hampir seluruh karyawan itu, mengungkapkan 5 kronologis kejadian.
Mosi juga menyebutkan memberikan waktu hingga 7 Nopember kepada pimpinan dalam lingkup Jawa Pos Grup untuk mengganti Djunaini KS.
Adapun alasan keinginan penggantian itu, karena Djunaini KS dinilai telah memasung independensi pers di Harian Equator untuk kepentingan pribadi dan kroni, tidak menjalankan fungsi manajemen, karyawan telah didoktrin tidak boleh memiliki loyalitas ganda tetapi ia sendiri melakukannya, anak perusahaan yang dipimpin oleh kedua putra Djunaini KS telah mengintervensi iklan, pemasaran, keuangan, dan redaksi harian Equator yang juga diback-up Djunaini KS. Akibat intervensi dan tingginya kepentingan pribadi dibanding idealisme pers dan bisnis pers, perusahaan menjadi stagnan dan penjualan cenderung terus turun.
Selain itu, Djunaini KS juga telah melakukan perbuatan tidak menyenangkan seperti menampar pipi dan pelecehan dengan kata-kata dalam bekerja, dan tidak menyetujui program redaksi untuk laporan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah 2007 yang diorientasikan bagi pertumbuhan dan perkembangan harian Equator.
Jika tuntutan tersebut tidak dipenuhi, maka para wartawan dan karyawan harian bermotto "Koran Reformasi Pertama di Kalbar" itu, akan menggalang aksi mogok kerja.
Namun dalam perkembangannya, Pemimpin Redaksi, Djunaini KS justru memberhentikan kelima orang itu dan mengangkat sejumlah wartawan yang semula ditempatkan di biro (kabupaten) sebagai redaktur.
Asriadi Alexander, salah satu yang diberhentikan mengatakan saat meminta ia meninggalkan kantor harian itu, Djunaini KS melontarkan kata-kata kasar sambil menyebutkan nama-nama redaktur yang mesti meninggalkan kantor tersebut.
"Kami akhirnya keluar meninggalkan kantor.
Sementara ini, beberapa teman yang sesungguhnya juga mendukung mosi tidak percaya sedang menentukan sikap
mereka," kata Alek.
Kelima orang yang diberhentikan itu menyatakan akan terus berjuang meski saat ini mendapat sandungan, karena Djunaini KS sendiri telah mengangkat sejumlah orang yang dinilai loyal kepada dirinya untuk menggantikan posisi redaktur yang kosong setelah ditinggalkan mereka.
Masalah internal
Sementara itu, saat dikonfirmasi ANTARA, Redaktur Pelaksana (baru) R Rido Ibnu Syahrie, ia tidak mau menjawab. Ia menyatakan lebih baik bertanya langsung kepada pucuk pimpinan. "Tanyakan langsung saja kepada 'top leader'," katanya.
Namun ketika dimintai waktu untuk berbicara dengan Djunaini KS, mantan Redaktur Daerah Sambas itu menyatakan Djunaini KS baru dapat diwawancarai beberapa jam lagi.
"Ini masalah internal. Itu merupakan kebijakan di harian Equator," kata Rido, dan menyatakan sedang mengerjakan halaman koran, sehingga tidak dapat berlama-lama menanggapi pertanyaan.
Begitu pula ketika pucuk pimpinan itu dihubungi via telepon, Djunaini KS, berusaha menolak menjawab pertanyaan. Ia menyatakan, yang sedang terjadi di harian Equator merupakan persoalan internal. Tetapi Djunaini mengaku telah menerima dan membaca mosi yang dibuat 32 karyawan harian itu.
Saat ditanya mengenai adanya satu poin (pertama) dalam Mosi Tidak Percaya bahwa ia telah "memasung independensi pers" di Harian Equator, Djunaini KS menyatakan "apa saya seperti itu?, tanyakan saja kepada mereka."
Djunaini juga menolak jika disebut telah memecat lima wartawan, melainkan hanya memberikan penyadaran kepada mereka. "Saya tidak memecat mereka, hanya memberikan penyadaran. Sudah ya," katanya sambil memutus pembicaraan via telepon itu.
Thursday, November 02, 2006
Salah Kirim SMS
Terkadang kita menerima SMS, isinya membingungkan, karena salah kirim. Terkadang isinya tak masuk akal. Terkadang isinya aneh. Malam ini, aku menerima SMS dari Retno Wardani, mantan isteri aku, yang salah kirim. Retno buru-buru kirim SMS susulan dan bilang salah kirim.
Tampaknya dikirim ke seorang laki-laki yang punya hubungan intim dengan Retno. Ini hak dia tentu. Aku sendiri jarang komunikasi dengan Retno mengingat temperamennya.
2/11/2006 21:25: Aku kan lg mens, jd lemes. Mau bl pulsa jg msh lemes. Td ada ibu di rmh. Jgn gampang doso dong. Pengertian dikir kenapa sih. Kl aku lg ga bls telp kan bkn berarti aku ga perhatikan km. Ayk aja kl retret, angkat telpku aja ga mau. Kl ada temenmu lgs telp km matikan, tp aku bisa ngerti. Jd slg ngerti. Lu.
Aku tak tahu kepada siapa Retno mengarahkan SMS ini. Dia hanya menyebutnya, "Ayah." Namun kata "ibu" maksudnya adalah M.Th. Koesmiharti, ibu kandungnya, yang pindah dari Salatiga ke Bintaro.